Counterargument Paper

Counterargument Paper

This paper assignment expands upon your Week One Assignment and prepares you for the Final Paper. The expansion is to learn to improve one’s argument after investigating and fairly representing the opposite point of view. The main new tasks are to revise your previous argument created in Week One, to present a counterargument (an argument for a contrary conclusion), and to develop an objection to your original argument.

Here are the steps to prepare to write the counterargument paper:

  • Begin reviewing your previous paper paying particular attention to suggestions for improvement made by your instructor.
  • Revise your argument, improving it as much as possible, accounting for any suggestions and in light of further material you have learned in the course. If your argument is inductive, make sure that it is strong. If your argument is deductive, make sure that it is valid.
  • Construct what you take to be the strongest possible argument for a conclusion contrary to the one you argued for in your Week One paper. This is your counterargument. This should be based on careful thought and appropriate research.
  • Consider the primary points of disagreement between the point of view of your original argument and that of the counterargument.
  • Think about what you take to be the strongest objection to your original argument and how you might answer the objection while being fair to both sides. Search in the Ashford University Library for quality academic sources that support some aspect of your argument or counterargument.

In your paper,

  • Present a revised argument in standard form, with each premise and the conclusion on a separate line.
  • Present a counterargument in standard form, with each premise and the conclusion on a separate line.
  • Provide support for each premise of your counterargument. Clarify the meaning of the premise and supporting evidence for the premise.
    • Pay special attention to those premises that could be seen as controversial. Evidence may include academic research sources, supporting arguments, or other ways of demonstrating the truth of the premise (for more ideas about how to support the truth of premises take a look at the instructor guidance for this week). This section should include at least one scholarly research source. For guidance about how to develop a conclusion see the Ashford Writing Center’s Introductions and Conclusions.
  • Explain how the conclusion of the counterargument follows from its premises. [One paragraph]
  • Discuss the primary points of disagreement between sincere and intelligent proponents of both sides. [One to two paragraphs]
    • For example, you might list any premises or background assumptions on which you think such proponents would disagree and briefly state what you see as the source of the disagreement, you could give a brief explanation of any reasoning that you think each side would find objectionable, or you could do a combination of these.
  • Present the best objectionto your original argument. Clearly indicate what part of the argument your objection is aimed at, and provide a paragraph of supporting evidence for the objection. Reference at least one scholarly research source. [One to two paragraphs]
    • See the “Practicing Effective Criticism” section of Chapter 9 of your primary textbook for more information about how to present an objection.

For further instruction on how to create arguments, see the How to Construct a Valid Main Argument and Tips for Creating an Inductively Strong Argument documents as well as the video Constructing Valid Arguments.

For an example of how to complete this paper, take a look at the following Week Three Annotated Example. Let your instructor know if you have questions about how to complete this paper.

Writing Help Image  

In this class, you have three tutoring services available: Paper ReviewLive Chat, and Tutor E-mail. Click on the Ashford Writing Center (AWC) tab in the left-navigation menu to learn more about these tutoring options and how to get help with your writing.

The Counterargument Paper

 

  • Must be 500 to 800 words in length (not including title and references pages) and formatted according to APA style as outlined in the Ashford Writing Center (for more information about using APA style, take a look at the APA Essay Checklist for Students webpage).
  • Must include a separate title page with the following:
    • Title of paper
    • Student’s name
    • Course name and number
    • Instructor’s name
    • Date submitted
  • Must use at least two scholarly sources in addition to the course text.
  • The Scholarly, Peer Reviewed, and Other Credible Sources table offers additional guidance on appropriate source types. If you have questions about whether a specific source is appropriate for this assignment, please contact your instructor. Your instructor has the final say about the appropriateness of a specific source for a particular assignment.
  • Must document all sources in APA style as outlined in the Ashford Writing Center (for more information about how to create an APA reference list, take a look at the APA References List webpage).
  • Must include a separate references page that is formatted according to APA style as outlined in the Ashford Writing Center.
  • Attached is the textbook

Competencies for Addressing Spiritual and Religious Issues in Counseling

  1. The “Competencies for Addressing Spiritual and Religious Issues in Counseling” were developed by which of the following divisions of the American Counseling Association?a.Association for Spiritual, Ethical, and Religious Values in Counselingb.Association for Religion, Philosophy, and Spirituality in Counselingc.American Pastoral Counselors Associationd.There is not a division of the American Counseling Association that developed these competencies.

2 points  

QUESTION 2

  1. The first person to introduce the subjects of consciousness, spiritualism, and psychical research into the mental health fields was:a.Carl Jungb.Abraham Maslowc.William Jamesd.Sigmund Freud

2 points  

QUESTION 3

  1. The core practice of transpersonal counseling includes which of the following:a.Mindfulnessb.Yogac.Biofeedbackd.All of the above

2 points  

QUESTION 4

  1. Which of the following is one of the “Competencies for Addressing Spiritual and Religious Issues in Counseling”?a.The professional counselor can describe the similarities and differences between spirituality and religion, including the basic beliefs of various spiritual systems, major world religions, agnosticism, and atheism.b.The professional counselor recognizes that the client’s beliefs (or absence of beliefs) about spirituality and/or religion are central to his or her worldview but cannot influence psychosocial functioning.c.The professional counselor can identify the limits of his or her understanding of the client’s spiritual and/or religious perspective and is acquainted with religious and spiritual resources, including leaders, who can join in counseling sessions with the counselor and client.d.All of the above

2 points  

QUESTION 5

  1. The family life spiral is:a.An example of family declineb.A linear modelc.An example of a life stressord.A developmental model

2 points  

QUESTION 6

  1. The relational-cultural theory emphasizes the vital rolea.that relationships and connectedness with others play in the lives of women.b.of a spiritual or religious perspective in providing women with strength.c.that siblings play in the shaping of personalityd. in understanding how early childhood is a crucial factor in a woman’s personality development.

2 points  

QUESTION 7

  1. Within the transpersonal states of functioning, which of the following developmental lines or stages exist?a.cognitiveb.vision logicc.psychicd.all of the above

2 points  

QUESTION 8

  1. Which of the following family therapists is best known for his/her conjoint approach to treatment?a.Satirb.Bowenc.Haleyd.Minuchin

2 points  

QUESTION 9

  1. Self-in-relation theory is the work of:a.Sharf and Bemb.Jordan and Surreyc.Jean Baker Millerd.Betty Freidan

2 points  

QUESTION 10

  1. Which of the following is not a fundamental principle of feminist counselors?a.The personal is politicalb.A commitment to social changec.A commitment to the establishment of an authoritarian relationshipd.Honoring women’s experiences and appreciating their perspectives, values, and strengths

2 points  

QUESTION 11

  1. According to transpersonalism:a.Healthy development is marked by one’s advancement from personal to transpersonal concerns.b.Healthy development is marked by one’s quality of relationships.c.Healthy development is impossible to define.d.Healthy development is not a goal.

2 points  

QUESTION 12

  1. The term _______________ means beyond the personal, ego, or self.a.archetypalb.transpersonalc.reductionisticd.monistic

2 points  

QUESTION 13

  1. A counselor directing family members to engage in a communication game to examine how their incongruent messages lead to pain and lower self-esteem is following which approach to family therapy?
    A counselor directing family members to engage in a communication game to examine how their incongruent messages lead to pain and lower self-esteem is following which approach to family therapy?
    a.Conjointb.Transgenerationalc.Narratived.Structural

2 points  

QUESTION 14

  1. A multifaceted process, occurring across the life span is called:a.Gender role identificationb.Gender biasc.Genderficationd.Gender role socialization

2 points  

QUESTION 15

  1. One of the primary goals of transpersonal counseling is to:a.Bring the client to an acceptable level of mental healthb.Bring the client to a point where he or she can begin to work on transpersonal issuesc.Take the client into the realm of transcendence, unity, and extraordinary mental healthd.None of the above

2 points  

QUESTION 16

  1. The term used to describe a family system’s tendency to maintain predictable interactional processes is:a.Family project processb.Cyberneticsc.Centripetald.Family homeostatis

2 points  

QUESTION 17

  1. Which of the following family therapists is best known for his/her strategic approach to treatment?a.Satirb.Bowenc.Haleyd.Minuchin

2 points  

QUESTION 18

  1. Two major disorders given a great deal of attention in feminist literature are:a.Personality disorders and bipolar disordersb.Borderline personality disorders and hypertensionc.Eating disorders and PTSDd.Insomnia and PTSD

2 points  

QUESTION 19

  1. ___________ wrote that Kohlberg’s model of moral development was more applicable to men than women.a.Carol Gilliganb.Barbara Herlihyc.Vivian Carroll McCollumd.Nancy Chodorow

2 points  

QUESTION 20

  1. ________________ occurs when a family modifies problem behaviors yet maintains its present structure.a.First order changeb.Second order changec.Third order changed.Fourth order change

2 points  

QUESTION 21

  1. Which of the following family therapists is best known for his/her structural approach to treatment:a.Satirb.Bowenc.Haleyd.Minuchin

2 points  

QUESTION 22

  1. Teasing out stressors poses a challenge for the family counselor because of the family’s:a.Mistrust of therapyb.Many storiesc.Multigenerational issuesd.Severity of pain

2 points  

QUESTION 23

  1. A strategy for empowering clients is to involve them in naming their problem and participating in directing the counseling process. This strategy is called:a.Self-disclosureb.Gender role analysisc.Demystifying the counseling processd.Client empowerment

2 points  

QUESTION 24

  1. Although the theoretical underpinnings of transpersonal theory can be credited to a number of individuals, theories, and philosophical approaches to mental health and spiritual experience, _____________ has emerged as the primary leader of this burgeoning field.a.Groffb.Wilberc.Jungd.Maslow

2 points  

QUESTION 25

  1. The term used to describe one of the perceptual sets people use when looking at society and their place in it is:a.Gender schemab.Egalitarianc.Engendered livesd.None of the above

Measuring intelligence

Gateway THEME Measuring intelligence is worthwhile, but tests provide limited definitions of intelligent behavior.

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9781285519517, Introduction to Psychology: Gateways to Mind and Behavior with Concept Maps and Reviews, Thirteenth Edition, Coon/Mitterer – © Cengage Learning. All rights reserved. No distribution allowed without express authorization.

Unlike other species, humans owe their success more to thinking abilities and intelligence than to physical strength or speed. That’s why our species is called Homo sapiens (from the Latin for man and wise). Our intelligence makes us highly adaptable creatures. We live in deserts, jungles, mountains, frenzied cities, placid retreats, and space stations.

Consider Stephen Hawking. He can’t walk or talk. When he was 13, Lou Gehrig’s disease began to slowly destroy nerve cells in his spinal cord, short-circuiting messages between his brain and muscles. Today, he is confined to a wheelchair and “speaks” by manually controlling a speech syn- thesizer. Yet, despite his severe disabilities, his brain is unaffected by the disease and remains fiercely active. He can still think. Stephen is a theoretical physicist and one of the best-known sci- entific minds of modern times. With courage and determination, he has used his intellect to advance our understanding of the universe.

What do we mean when we say that a person like Stephen Hawking is “smart” or “intelligent”? Can intelligence be measured? Can intelligence tests predict life success? What are the conse- quences of having extremely high or low intelligence? These questions and others concerning intelligence have fascinated psychologists for more than 100 years. Let’s see what has been learned and what issues are still debated.

Gateway QUESTIONS 9.1 How do psychologists define intelligence? 9.2 What are typical IQ tests like? 9.3 How do IQ scores relate to sex, age, and

occupation? 9.4 What does IQ tell us about genius?

9.5 What causes intellectual disability? 9.6 How do heredity and environment affect

intelligence? 9.7 Are there alternate views of intelligence? 9.8 Is there a downside to intelligence testing?

303

Intelligence

9781285519517, Introduction to Psychology: Gateways to Mind and Behavior with Concept Maps and Reviews, Thirteenth Edition, Coon/Mitterer – © Cengage Learning. All rights reserved. No distribution allowed without express authorization.

Chapter 9304

Defining Intelligence— Intelligence Is … You Know, It’s …

Gateway Question 9.1: How do psychologists define intelligence? Like many important concepts in psychology, intelligence cannot be observed directly. Nevertheless, we feel certain it exists. Let’s compare two children:

When she was 14 months old, Anne wrote her own name. She taught her- self to read at age 2. At age 5, she astounded her kindergarten teacher by bringing an iPad to class—on which she was reading an encyclopedia. At 10, she breezed through an entire high school algebra course in 12 hours.

Billy, who is 10 years old, can write his name and can count, but he has trouble with simple addition and subtraction problems and finds multipli- cation impossible. He has been held back in school twice and is still incapa- ble of doing the work his 8-year-old classmates find easy.

Anne is considered a genius; Billy, a slow learner. There seems little doubt that they differ in intelligence.

Wait! Anne’s ability is obvious, but how do we know that Billy isn’t just lazy? That’s the same question that Alfred Binet faced in 1904 (Benjafield, 2010; Jarvin & Sternberg, 2003). The French minister of education wanted to find a way to distinguish slower students from the more capable (or the capable but lazy). In a flash of bril- liance, Binet and an associate created a test made up of “intellec- tual” questions and problems. Next, they learned which questions an average child could answer at each age. By giving children the test, they could tell whether a child was performing up to his or her potential (Kaplan & Saccuzzo, 2009; Kaufman, 2000).

Binet’s approach gave rise to modern intelligence tests. At the same time, it launched an ongoing debate. Part of the debate is related to the basic difficulty of defining intelligence (Sternberg, Grigorenko, & Kidd, 2005).

Defining Intelligence Isn’t there an accepted definition of intelligence? Traditionally, yes. Intelligence is the global capacity to act purposefully, to think rationally, and to deal effectively with the environment (Wechsler, 1939). The core of intelligence is usually thought to consist of a small set of general mental abilities (called the g-factor) in the areas of reasoning, problem solving, knowledge, memory, and successful adaptation to one’s surroundings (Barber, 2010; Sternberg, 2004).

Intelligence has traditionally been considered a cognitive, not an emotional, capacity. Is there such a thing as emotional intelligence? To find out, see Chapter 10, pages 363–364.

BRIDGES

Beyond this, however, there is much disagreement. In fact, many psychologists simply accept an operational definition of intelligence by spelling out the procedures they use to measure it (Neukrug & Fawcett, 2010). Thus, by selecting items for an intel- ligence test, a psychologist is saying in a very direct way, “This is

what I mean by intelligence.” A test that measures memory, reason- ing, and verbal fluency offers a very different definition of intelli- gence than one that measures strength of grip, shoe size, length of the nose, or the person’s best Guitar Hero score (Goldstein, 2011).

Aptitudes As a child, Hedda displayed an aptitude for art. Today, Hedda is a successful graphic artist. How does an aptitude like Hedda’s differ from general intelligence? An aptitude is a capacity for learning certain abilities. Persons with mechanical, artistic, or musical apti- tudes are likely to do well in careers involving mechanics, art, or music, respectively (• Figure 9.1).

Are there tests for aptitudes? How are they different from intelli- gence tests? Aptitude tests measure a narrower range of abilities than do intelligence tests (Kaplan & Saccuzzo, 2009). For example, special aptitude tests predict whether you will succeed in a single

RANGE OF ABILITIES

Multiple aptitude tests

Special aptitude tests

Intelligence tests

Modern intelligence tests are widely used to measure cognitive abilities. When properly administered, such tests provide an operational definition of intelligence.

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• Figure 9.1 Special aptitude tests measure a person’s potential for achieve- ment in a limited area of ability, such as manual dexterity. Multiple aptitude tests measure potentials in broader areas, such as college work, law, or medicine. Intelli- gence tests measure a very wide array of aptitudes and mental abilities.

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Intelligence 305

Intelligence An overall capacity to think rationally, act purposefully, and deal effectively with the environment.

g-factor A general ability factor proposed to underly intelligence; the core of general intellectual ability that involves reasoning, problem-solving ability, knowledge, and memory.

Operational definition The operations (actions or procedures) used to measure a concept.

Aptitude A capacity for learning certain abilities. Special aptitude test Test to predict a person’s likelihood of succeeding in

a particular area of work or skill. Multiple aptitude test Test that measures two or more aptitudes. General intelligence test A test that measures a wide variety of mental

abilities. Psychometric test Any scientific measurement of a person’s mental

functions. Reliability The ability of a test to yield the same score, or nearly the same

score, each time it is given to the same person. Validity The ability of a test to measure what it purports to measure. Objective test A test that gives the same score when different people

correct it. Test standardization Establishing standards for administering a test and

interpreting scores. Norm An average score for a designated group of people.

area, such as clerical work or computer programming (• Figure 9.2). Multiple aptitude tests measure two or more types of ability. These tests tend to be more like intelligence tests. The well-known SAT Reasoning Test (SAT), which measures aptitudes for language, math, and reasoning, is a multiple aptitude test. So are the tests required to enter graduate schools of law, medicine, business, and dentistry. The broadest aptitude measures are general intelligence tests, which assess a wide variety of mental abilities (Cohen & Swerdlik, 2005).

Psychologists use a variety of aptitude tests to select people for employment and to advise people about choosing careers. For more information, see Chapter 18, pages 608–611.

BRIDGES

Reliability and Validity Whether it is an intelligence test or aptitude test or, for that matter, any other kind of psychometric test—any measurement of a per- son’s mental functions—there will always be two questions you should ask about the test: “Is it reliable?” and “Is it valid? ”

To what does reliability refer? If you weigh yourself several times in a row, a reliable bathroom scale gives the same weight each time. Likewise, a reliable psychometric test must give approximately the same score each time a person takes it (Kaplan & Saccuzzo, 2009). In other words, the scores should be consistent and highly corre- lated. It is easy to see why unreliable tests have little value. Imagine a medical test for pregnancy or breast cancer, for instance, which gives positive and negative responses for the same woman on the same day.

To check the reliability of a test, we could give it to a large group of people. Then, each person could be tested again a week later to establish test-retest reliability. We also might want to know whether scores on one half of the test items match scores on the other half (split-half reliability). If two versions of a test are avail-

able, we could compare scores on one version to scores on the other (equivalent-forms reliability).

Just because a psychometric test is reliable, however, does not mean that it should be trusted; test validity is also important. To see why this is the case, try creating an IQ test with ten questions only you could possibly answer. Your test would be very reliable. Each time you give the test, everyone scores zero, except you, who scores 100  percent (so you thereby proclaim yourself the only human with any intelligence). Even though we all have days when it seems we are the only smart person left on the planet, it should be obvious this is a silly example. A test must also have validity; it should measure what it claims to measure (Neukrug & Fawcett, 2010). By no stretch of the imagination could a test of intelligence be valid if the person who wrote it is the only one who can pass it.

How is validity established? Validity is usually demonstrated by comparing test scores to actual performance. This is called criterion validity. For example, scores on a test of legal aptitude might be com- pared with grades in law school. If high test scores correlate with high grades, or some other standard (criterion) of success, the test might be valid. Unfortunately, many “free” tests you encounter, such as those found in magazines and on the Internet, have little or no validity.

Objective Testing Let’s return to your “I’m the Smartest Person in the World IQ Test” for a final point. Is your test objective? Actually, it might be. If your IQ test gives the same score when corrected by different people, it is an objective test. However, objectivity is not enough to guaran- tee a fair test. Useful tests must also be standardized (Neukrug & Fawcett, 2010).

Test standardization refers to two things. First, it means that standard procedures are used in giving the test. The instructions, answer forms, amount of time to work, and so forth, are the same for everyone. Second, it means finding the norm, or average score,

1. If the driver turns in the direction shown, which direction will wheel Y turn? A B

2. Which wheel will turn the slowest? Driver X Y

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• Figure 9.2 Sample questions like those found on tests of mechanical apti- tude. (The answers are A and the Driver.)

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9781285519517, Introduction to Psychology: Gateways to Mind and Behavior with Concept Maps and Reviews, Thirteenth Edition, Coon/Mitterer – © Cengage Learning. All rights reserved. No distribution allowed without express authorization.

Chapter 9306

made by a large group of people like those for whom the test was designed. Without standardization, we couldn’t fairly compare the scores of people taking the test at different times. And without norms, there would be no way to tell whether a score is high, low, or average.

Later in this chapter, we will address the question of whether intelligence tests are valid. For now, let’s take a practical approach and learn about some popular standardized IQ tests.

Testing Intelligence—The IQ and You

Gateway Question 9.2: What are typical IQ tests like? American psychologists quickly saw the value of Alfred Binet’s test. In 1916, Lewis Terman and others at Stanford University revised it for use in North America. After more revisions, the Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scales, Fifth Edition (SB5) continue to be widely used. The original Stanford-Binet assumed that a child’s intellectual abilities improve with each passing year. Today, the Stanford-Binet (or SB5) is still primarily made up of age-ranked questions. Naturally, these questions get a little harder at each age level. The SB5 is appropriate for people from age 2 to 85� years and scores on the test are very reliable (Raid & Tippin, 2009; Roid, 2003).

Five Aspects of Intelligence The SB5 measures five cognitive factors (types of mental abilities) that make up general intelligence. These are fluid reasoning, knowl- edge, quantitative reasoning, visual-spatial processing, and working memory. Each factor is measured with verbal questions (those involving words and numbers), and nonverbal questions (items that use pictures and objects). Let’s see what each factor looks like.

Fluid Reasoning Questions like the following are used to test Fluid Reasoning:

How are an apple, a plum, and a banana different from a beet? An apprentice is to a master as a novice is to an ____________. “I knew my bag was going to be in the last place I looked, so I

looked there first.” What is silly or impossible about that?

Other items ask people to fill in the missing shape in a group of shapes, and to tell a story that explains what’s going on in a series of pictures.

Knowledge The Knowledge factor assesses the person’s knowledge about a wide range of topics.

Why is yeast added to bread dough? What does cryptic mean? What is silly or impossible about this picture? (For example, a

bicycle has square wheels.)

Quantitative Reasoning Test items for Quantitative Reasoning measure a person’s ability to solve problems involving numbers. Here are some samples:

If I have six marbles and you give me another one, how many marbles will I have?

Given the numbers 3, 6, 9, 12, what number would come next? If a shirt is being sold for 50 percent of the normal price, and

the price tag is $60, what is the cost of the shirt?

Visual-Spatial Processing People who have visual-spatial skills are good at putting picture puzzles together and copying geometric shapes (such as triangles, rectangles, and circles). Visual-Spatial Processing questions ask test takers to reproduce patterns of blocks and choose pictures that show how a piece of paper would look if it were folded or cut. Verbal questions can also require visual-spatial abilities:

Suppose that you are going east, then turn right, then turn right again, then turn left. In what direction are you facing now?

Working Memory The Working Memory part of the SB5 measures the ability to use short-term memory. Some typical memory tasks include the following:

Correctly remember the order of colored beads on a stick. After hearing several sentences, name the last word from each

sentence. Repeat a series of digits (forward or backward) after hearing

them once. After seeing several objects, point to them in the same order as

they were presented.

If you were to take the SB5, it would yield a score for your general intelligence, verbal intelligence, nonverbal intelligence, and each of the five cognitive factors (Bain & Allin, 2005). For another per- spective on the kinds of tasks used in the SB5, see “Intelligence— How Would a Fool Do It?”

The Wechsler Tests Is the Stanford-Binet the only intelligence test? Many other IQ tests have been developed. Psychologist David Wechsler (1939) designed one widely used alternative. Whereas the original Stanford-Binet was better suited for children and adolescents, the first Wechsler test was specifically designed to test adult intelligence. The current version is the Wechsler Adult Intelli- gence Scale—Fourth Edition (WAIS-IV). With newer versions of the Stanford-Binet and a children’s version of the Wechsler scales (currently the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children— Fourth Edition or WISC-IV; see Baron, 2005), both alternatives are now widely used across all ages.

9781285519517, Introduction to Psychology: Gateways to Mind and Behavior with Concept Maps and Reviews, Thirteenth Edition, Coon/Mitterer – © Cengage Learning. All rights reserved. No distribution allowed without express authorization.

Intelligence 307

Performance intelligence Intelligence measured by solving puzzles, assembling objects, completing pictures, and other nonverbal tasks.

Verbal intelligence Intelligence measured by answering questions involving vocabulary, general information, arithmetic, and other language- or symbol-oriented tasks.

Individual intelligence test A test of intelligence designed to be given to a single individual by a trained specialist.

Group intelligence test Any intelligence test that can be administered to a group of people with minimal supervision.

Like the Stanford-Binet, the Wechsler tests yield a single overall intelligence score. In addition, these tests also separate scores for performance (nonverbal) intelligence and verbal (language- or symbol-oriented) intelligence. The abilities measured by the Wechsler tests and some sample test items are listed in ■ Table 9.1.

Group Tests The SB5 and the Wechsler tests are individual intelligence tests, which are given to a single person by a trained specialist. In con- trast, group intelligence tests can be given to a large group of people with minimal supervision. Group tests usually require people to read, to follow instructions, and to solve problems of logic, reasoning, mathematics, or spatial skills. The first group intelligence test was the Army Alpha, developed for World War I military inductees. As you can see in ■ Table 9.2, intelligence test- ing has come a long way since then.

Scholastic Aptitude Tests If you’re wondering if you have ever taken an intelligence test, the answer is probably yes. As mentioned earlier, the SAT Reasoning Test is a multiple aptitude test. So are the American College Test (ACT) and the College Qualification Test (CQT). Each of these group tests is designed to predict your chances for success in col-

Adapted from Wechsler, D. (2008). Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale, Fourth Edition (WAIS-IV). San Antonio, TX: Pearson.

Sample Items Similar to Those Used on the WAIS-IV

Verbal Comprehension Sample Items or Descriptions

Similarities In what way are a wolf and a coyote alike?

In what way are a screwdriver and a chisel alike?

Vocabulary The test consists of asking, “What is a ____________?” or “What does ____________ mean?” The words range from more to less familiar and difficult.

Information How many wings does a butterfly have?

Who wrote Romeo and Juliet?

Perceptual Reasoning

Block Design Copy designs with blocks (as shown at right).

Matrix Reasoning Select the item that completes the matrix.

Visual Puzzles Choose the pieces which go together to form a figure.

Working Memory

Digit Span Repeat from memory a series of digits, such as 8 5 7 0 1 3 6 2, after hearing it once.

Arithmetic Four girls divided 28 jellybeans equally among themselves. How many jellybeans did each girl receive?

If 3 peaches take 2 minutes to find and pick, how long will it take to find and pick a dozen peaches?

Processing Speed

Symbol Search Match symbols appearing in separate groups.

NO

NO

NO

Symbol Search

Coding Fill in the symbols: 3 21244 1 31 2 3 4

X III I 0

■ TABLE 9.1

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Chapter 9308

Intelligence—How Would a Fool Do It?Human Diversity

You have been asked to sort some objects into categories. Wouldn’t it be smart to put the clothes, containers, implements, and foods in separate piles? Not necessarily. When members of the Kpelle culture in Libe- ria were asked to sort objects, they grouped them together by function. For example, a potato (food) would be placed together with a knife (implement). When the Kpelle were asked why they grouped the objects this way, they often said that was how a wise man would do it. The researchers finally asked the Kpelle, “How would a fool do it?” Only then did the Kpelle sort the objects into the nice, neat categories that we Westerners prefer.

This anecdote, related by cultural psy- chologist Patricia Greenfield (1997), raises serious questions about general definitions of intelligence. For example, among the Cree of northern Canada, “smart” people are the ones who have the skills needed to find food on the frozen tundra (Darou, 1992). For the Puluwat people in the South Pacific, smart means having ocean-going naviga- tion skills necessary to get from island to is- land (Sternberg, 2004). And so it goes, as each culture teaches its children the kinds of “intelligence” valued in that culture— how the wise man would do it, not the fool (Barber, 2010; Correa-Chávez, Rogoff, & Arauz, 2005).

How important do you think the mental abilities assessed in modern intelligence tests are to this Bushman hunter in Africa’s Kalahari Desert?

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Items from the Army Alpha Subtest on “Common Sense”

The Army Alpha was given to World War I army recruits in the United States as a way to identify potential officers. In these sample questions, note the curious mixture of folk wisdom, scientific information, and moralism (Kessen & Cahan, 1986). Other parts of the test were more like modern intelligence tests.

1. If plants are dying for lack of rain, you should

h water them

h ask a florist’s advice

h put fertilizer around them

2. If the grocer should give you too much money in making change, what is the right thing to do?

h buy some candy for him with it

h give it to the first poor man you meet

h tell him of his mistake

3. If you saw a train approaching a broken track you should

h telephone for an ambulance

h signal the engineer to stop the train

h look for a piece of rail to fit in

4. Some men lose their breath on high mountains because

h the wind blows their breath away

h the air is too rare

h it is always cold there

5. We see no stars at noon because

h they have moved to the other side of the earth

h they are much fainter than the sun

h they are hidden behind the sky

■ TABLE 9.2

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Intelligence 309

Mental age The average mental ability displayed by people of a given age. Chronological age A person’s age in years. Intelligence quotient (IQ) An index of intelligence defined as mental age

divided by chronological age and multiplied by 100. Deviation IQ An IQ obtained statistically from a person’s relative standing

in his or her age group; that is, how far above or below average the person’s score was relative to other scores.

lege. Because the tests measure general knowledge and a variety of mental aptitudes, each can also be used to estimate intelligence.

Intelligence Quotients What is an “IQ”? Imagine that a child named Yuan can answer intelligence test questions that an average 7-year-old can answer. We could say that 7 is her mental age (average intellectual perfor- mance). How smart is Yuan? Actually, we can’t say yet, because we don’t know how old Yuan is. If she is 10, she’s not very smart. If she’s 5, she is very bright. Thus, although mental age is a good measure of actual ability, it says nothing about whether overall intelligence is high or low, compared with other people of the same age.

Thus, to estimate a child’s intelligence, we also need to know her chronological age (age in years). Then, we can relate mental age to chronological age. This yields an IQ, or intelligence quotient. A quotient results from dividing one number into another. When the Stanford-Binet was first used, IQ was defined as mental age (MA) divided by chronological age (CA) and multiplied by 100. (Multi- plying by 100 changes the IQ into a whole number rather than a decimal.)

MA CA

� 100 � IQ

An advantage of the original IQ was that intelligence could be compared among children with different chronological and mental ages. For instance, 10-year-old Justin has a mental age of 12. Thus, his IQ is 120:

1MA2 12 1CA2 10

� 100 � 120 (IQ)

Justin’s friend Suke also has a mental age of 12. However, Suke’s chronological age is 12, so his IQ is 100:

1MA2 12 1CA2 12

� 100 � 100 (IQ)

The IQ shows that 10-year-old Justin is brighter than his 12-year- old friend Suke, even though their intellectual skills are about the same. Notice that a person’s IQ will be 100 when mental age equals chronological age. Therefore, an IQ score of 100 is defined as aver- age intelligence.

Then does a person with an IQ score below 100 have below average intelligence? Not unless the IQ is well below 100. Average intelli- gence is usually defined as any score from 90 to 109. The impor- tant point is that IQ scores will be over  100 when mental age is higher than age in years. IQ scores below 100 occur when a per- son’s age in years exceeds his or her mental age. An example of this situation would be a 15-year-old with an MA of 12:

12 15

� 100 � 80 (IQ)

Deviation IQs Although the preceding examples may give you insight into IQ scores, it’s no longer necessary to directly calculate IQs. Instead, modern tests use deviation IQs. Tables supplied with the test are used to convert a person’s relative standing in the group to an IQ score. That is, they tell how far above or below average the person’s score falls. For example, if you score at the 50th percentile, half the people your age who take the test score higher than you and half score lower. In this case, your IQ score is 100. If you score at the 84th percentile, your IQ score is 115. If you score at the 97th per- centile, your IQ score is 130. (For more information, see the Statis- tics appendix near the end of this book.)

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Chapter 9310

OK, so how does Stephen Hawking score? When Hawking was once asked about his IQ, he claimed he didn’t know and joked, “People who boast about their IQ are losers.”

The Stability of IQ How old do children have to be before their IQ scores become stable? IQ scores are not very dependable until about age 6 (Schuerger & Witt, 1989). IQ scores measured at age  3 correlate poorly with those measured at age 27. In other words, knowing a child’s IQ at age 3 tells us very little about what his or her IQ will be 24 years later. (Recall that a perfect correlation is 1.00 and a correlation of 0.00 occurs when scores are unrelated.) However, IQs do become more reliable as children grow older. Knowing a child’s IQ at age 11 is a good predictor of his or her IQ later in life (Gow et al., 2010). After middle childhood, a person’s IQ scores usually change very little from year to year (Canivez & Watkins, 1998; Gow et al., 2010; Larsen, Hartmann, & Nyborg, 2008). (See • Figure 9.3).

Variations in Intelligence— The Numbers Game

Gateway Question 9.3: How do IQ scores relate to sex, age, and occupation? IQ scores are classified as shown in ■ Table 9.3. A look at the per- centages reveals a definite pattern. The distribution (or scattering) of IQ scores approximates a normal (bell-shaped) curve. That is, most

15 27 39 51

0.7

0.8

0.9

1.0

Age (years)

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co ef

fic ie

nt

0.6 3 63 75 87

• Figure 9.3 The stability or reliability of IQ scores increases rapidly in early childhood. Scores are very consistent from early adulthood to late middle age. (Adapted from Gow et al., 2010; Larsen, Hart- mann, & Nyborg, 2008; Schuerger & Witt, 1989.)

Distribution of Adult IQ Scores on the WAIS-IV

IQ Description Percent

Above 130 Very superior 2.2

120–129 Superior 6.7

110–119 Bright normal 16.1

90–109 Average 50.0

80–89 Dull normal 16.1

70–79 Borderline 6.7

Below 70 Intellectually disabled 2.2

■ TABLE 9.3

Derived from Wechsler, D. (2008). Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale, Fourth Edition (WAIS-IV). San Antonio, TX: Pearson.

Knowledge Builder Intelligence Tests

RECITE 1. The first successful intelligence test was developed by

__________________________________. 2. If we define intelligence by the obtained score on a written test, we

are using a. a circular definition b. an abstract definition c. an operational

definition d. a chronological definition 3. Place an “R” or a “V” after each operation to indicate whether it would

be used to establish the reliability (R) or the validity (V) of a test. a. Compare score on one half of test items to score on the other

half. ( ) b. Compare scores on test to grades, performance ratings, or other

measures. ( ) c. Compare scores from the test after administering it on two sepa-

rate occasions. ( ) d. Compare scores on alternate forms of the test. ( )

4. Establishing norms and uniform procedures for administering a test are elements of standardization. T or F?

5. The WAIS-IV is a group intelligence test. T or F? 6. IQ was originally defined as __________________ times 100. 7. Scores on modern intelligence tests are based on one’s deviation

IQ (relative standing among test takers) rather than on the ratio between mental age and chronological age. T or F?

REFLECT Think Critically

8. How well do you think a member of Kpelle culture in Liberia would score on the SB5?

Self-Reflect

If you were going to write an intelligence test, what kinds of questions would you ask? How much would your questions resemble those on standard intelligence tests? Would you want to measure any mental skills not covered by established tests?

Answers: 1. Alfred Binet 2. c 3. a. (R), b. (V), c. (R), d. (R) 4. T 5. F 6. MA/CA 7. T 8. You are right if you suspect the answer is most likely “poorly.” The more important question is what this means. Is the person “slow” or might there be some question about the test itself (Gardner, 2008; Hen- rich, Heine, & Norenzayan, 2010)? Stay tuned for more on this important issue.

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Intelligence 311

Normal curve A bell-shaped curve characterized by a large number of scores in a middle area, tapering to very few extremely high and low scores.

Fluid intelligence The ability to solve novel problems involving perceptual speed or rapid insight.

Crystallized intelligence The ability to solve problems using already acquired knowledge.

scores fall close to the average and very few are found at the extremes. • Figure 9.4 shows this characteristic of measured intelligence.

IQ and Sex On average, do males and females differ in intelligence? IQ scores cannot answer this question because test items were selected to be equally difficult for both sexes. However, whereas males and females do not appear to differ in overall intelligence, general intel- ligence tests allow us to compare the intellectual strengths and weaknesses of men and women (Hyde, 2007). For decades, women, as a group, performed best on items that require verbal ability, vocabulary, and rote learning. Men, in contrast, were best at items that require spatial visualization and math (Clements et al., 2006; Calvin et al., 2010). Today, such male-female differences have almost disappeared among children and young adults. The small differences that remain appear to be based on a tendency for par- ents and educators to encourage males, more than females, to learn math and spatial skills (Ceci & Williams, 2010).

IQ and Age How much are IQs affected by age? Don’t be confused by • Figure 9.3. The rising curve in that figure indicates that the consistency of IQ scores from year to year increases with age. Actual IQ test scores stay relatively stable as people age with a small, gradual increase until about age 40 and a small slow decline therafter (Larsen, Hart- mann, & Nyborg, 2008; Thompson & Oehlert, 2010).

This trend, of course, is an average. Actual IQs reflect a person’s education, maturity, and experience, as well as innate intelligence. Some people make fairly large gains in IQ, whereas others have siz- able losses. How do the two groups differ? In general, those who gain in IQ are exposed to intellectual stimulation during early adulthood. Those who decline typically suffer from chronic ill- nesses, drinking problems, or unstimulating lifestyles (Honzik, 1984; Nisbett, 2009a,b).

After middle age, the picture gets a bit more complex. Intellec- tual skills involved in fluid intelligence—solving novel problems

involving perceptual speed or rapid insight—decline rapidly after middle age (Brody, 1992; Lawrence, Myerson, & Hale, 1998). By way of compensation, crystallized intelligence—solving prob- lems using already acquired knowledge —can actually increase or, at least, decline very little until advanced age. In other words, younger people are generally “quick learners” (fluid intelligence) but tend to be “wet behind the ears” (lack experience or crystalized intelligence). Older people might be a little “slower on the uptake” but tend to “know the ropes.” Since IQ tests such as the SB5 and WAIS test for components of both fluid intelligence and crystal- lized intelligence, overall, age-related losses are small for most healthy, well-educated individuals (Rindermann, Flores-Mendoza, & Mansur-Alves, 2010; Weintraub 2003).

IQ and Achievement How do IQ scores relate to success in school, jobs, and other endeav- ors? IQ differences of a few points tell us little about a person. But if we look at a broader ranges of scores, the differences do become meaningful. For example, a person with an IQ of 100 would probably struggle with college, whereas one with an IQ of 120 would do just fine.

The correlation between IQ and school grades is at least .50—a sizable association (Calvin et al., 2010; Mayes et al., 2009). If grades depended solely on IQ, the connection would be even stronger. However, motivation, special talents, off- campus educational opportunities, and many other factors influ- ence grades and school success. The same is true of “real world” success beyond school (Strenze, 2007). IQ is also not a good predictor of success in art, music, writing, dramatics, science, and leadership. Tests of creativity are much more strongly related to achievement in these areas (Kaufman, 2009; Preckel, Holling, & Wiese, 2006).

As you might expect, IQ is also related to job status. Persons holding white-collar, professional positions average higher IQs than those in blue-collar settings. For example, accountants, lawyers, and engineers average about  125 in IQ. In contrast, miners and farm workers average about 90 (Brody, 1992). It is important to note, however, that a range of IQ scores can be found in all occupations. Many people of high intelligence, because of choice or circumstance, have “low-ranking” jobs.

Does the link between IQ and occupation show that professional jobs require more intelligence? Not as clearly as you might think. Higher status jobs often require an academic degree. As a result, hiring for professional jobs is biased in favor of a particular type of intelligence, namely, the kind measured by intelligence tests

Pe rc

en t

Intellectually disabled

Borderline

40 60 80 100 120 140 160 180

Mean = 101.8 IQ

20

16

12

8

24

4

Dull normal

Average

Bright normal

Superior

Very superior

• Figure 9.4 Distribution of Stanford-Binet Intelligence Test scores for 3184 children. (Adapted from Terman & Merrill, 1937/1960.)

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Chapter 9312

(McClelland, 1994; Neisser et al., 1996). This bias probably inflates the apparent association between professional jobs and IQ. The more IQ-like tests are used to select people for jobs, the stronger the association between IQ and job status. In fact, it can be argued that high status groups use such tests to protect their “territory” (Tittle & Rotolo, 2000).

When IQs are extreme—below 70 or above 140—their link to an individual’s potential for success becomes unmistakable. Only about 3  percent of the population falls in these ranges. Nevertheless, millions of people have exceptionally high or low IQs. Discussions of the intellectually gifted and intellectually disabled follow.

The Intellectually Gifted—Smart, Smarter, Smartest

Gateway Question 9.4: What does IQ tell us about genius? How high is the IQ of a genius? Only 2  people out of  100 score above  130 on IQ tests. These bright individuals are usually described as “gifted.” Less than one-half of one percent of the population scores above 140. These people are certainly gifted or perhaps even “geniuses.” However, some psychologists reserve the term genius for people with even higher IQs or those who are exceptionally creative (Hallahan, Kauffman, & Pullen, 2011).

Gifted Children Do high IQ scores in childhood predict later ability? To directly answer this question, Lewis Terman selected 1,500 children with IQs of 140 or more. Terman followed this gifted group (the “Ter- mites,” as he called them) into adulthood. By doing so, Terman corrected several popular misconceptions about high intelligence (Dai, 2010; Reis & Renzulli, 2010; Shurkin, 1992).

Misconception: The gifted tend to be peculiar, socially backward people. Fact: On the contrary, Terman’s gifted subjects, and gifted people in

general, are socially skilled and above average in leadership (Feldhusen & Westby, 2003).

Misconception: Early ripe means later rot; the gifted tend to fizzle out as adults.

Fact: This is false. When they were retested as adults, Terman’s subjects again scored in the upper IQ ranges.

Misconception: The very bright are physically inferior “eggheads,” “nerds,” or weaklings.

Fact: As a group, the gifted were above average in height, weight, and physical appearance.

Misconception: Highly intelligent persons are more susceptible to mental illness (“Genius is next to insanity”).

Fact: Terman demonstrated conclusively that the gifted enjoy better than average mental health and a greater resistance to mental illness. In general, the highly gifted tend to be very well adjusted psychologically (Dai, 2010; Garland & Zigler, 1999).

Misconception: Intelligence has little to do with success, especially in practical matters.

Fact: The success of Terman’s subjects was striking. Far more of them than average completed college, earned advanced degrees, and held pro- fessional positions. As a group, the gifted produced dozens of books, thou- sands of scientific articles, and hundreds of short stories and other publications (Shurkin, 1992; Terman & Oden, 1959). As noted earlier, IQ scores are not generally good predictors of real-world success. However, when scores are in the gifted range, the likelihood of outstanding achieve- ment does seem to be higher.

Giftedness and Achievement Were all the Termites superior as adults? No. Remember that high IQ reveals potential. It does not guarantee success. As adults, some of Terman’s gifted subjects committed crimes, were unemployable, or were unhappy misfits. Nor does a lower IQ guarantee failure. Nobel prize-winning physicist Richard Feynman, whom many regard as a genius, had an IQ of 122 (Michalko, 2001).

How did Terman’s more successful Termites differ from the less successful? Most of them had educated parents who valued learning and encouraged them to do the same. In general, successful gifted persons tend to have strong intellectual determination—a desire to know, to excel, and to persevere (Winner, 2003). Gifted or not, most successful persons tend to be persistent and motivated to learn (Reis & Renzulli, 2010). No one is paid to sit around being capable of achievement. What you do is always more important than what you should be able to do. That’s why a child’s talents are most likely to blossom when they are nurtured with support, encouragement, education, and effort (Callahan, 2006).

Identifying Gifted Children How might a parent spot an unusually bright child? Early signs of giftedness are not always purely “intellectual.” Giftedness can be either the possession of a high IQ or of special talents or aptitudes. The following signs may reveal that a child is gifted: a tendency to seek out older children and adults; an early fascination with expla- nations and problem solving; talking in complete sentences as early as 2 or 3 years of age; an unusually good memory; precocious talent in art, music, or number skills; an early interest in books, along with early reading (often by age 3); showing of kindness, understanding, and cooperation toward others (Dai, 2010; Distin, 2006).

Notice that this list goes beyond straight g-factor, or general “academic” intelligence. Children may be gifted in ways other than having a high IQ. In fact, if artistic talent, mechanical aptitude, musical aptitude, athletic potential, and so on are considered, many children have a special “gift” of one kind or another. Limiting giftedness to high IQ can shortchange children with special talents or potentials. This is especially true of ethnic minority children, who may be the victims of subtle biases in standardized intelligence tests. These children, as well as children with physical disabilities, are less likely to be recognized as gifted (Castellano & Frazier, 2011; Ford & Moore, 2006).

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Intelligence 313

Giftedness Either the possession of a high IQ or special talents or aptitudes.

Intellectual disability (formerly mental retardation) The presence of a developmental disability, a formal IQ score below 70, or a significant impairment of adaptive behavior.

GATE Programs Being exceptionally bright is not without its problems. Usually, parents and teachers must make adjustments to help gifted chil- dren make the most of their talents ( Jolly et al., 2011). The gifted child may become bored in classes designed for average children. This can lead to misbehavior or clashes with teachers who think the gifted child a show-off or smart aleck. Extremely bright chil- dren may also find classmates less stimulating than older children or adults. In recognition of these problems, many schools now provide special Gifted and Talented Education (GATE) classes for gifted children. Such programs combine classroom enrich- ment with fast-paced instruction to satisfy the gifted child’s appetite for intellectual stimulation (Dai, 2010). Since 1988, the federally funded Jacob K. Javits Gifted and Talented Children and Youth Education Act has provided ongoing funds for research into gifted and talented education programs (Reis & Renzulli, 2010).

All children benefit from enriched environments. For a discussion of enrichment and some guidelines for parents, see Chapter 3, pages 87–88.

BRIDGES

In the next section, we will discuss intellectual disability.

Intellectual Disability— A Difference That Makes a Difference

Gateway Question 9.5: What causes intellectual disability? Before you begin, take a few moments to read “Meet the Rain Man,” in which you will find information about a remarkable mixture of brilliance and intellectual disability. And please keep Kim Peek in mind as you read on. There is usually much more to intellectually disabled people than can be shown by the results of IQ testing (Treffert, 2010). It is especially important to realize that intellectu- ally disabled persons have no handicap when feelings are concerned. They are easily hurt by rejection, teasing, or ridicule. Likewise, they respond warmly to love and acceptance. They have a right to self- respect and a place in the community (Montreal Declaration on Intellectual Disabilities, 2004). This is especially important during childhood, when support from others adds greatly to the person’s chances of becoming a well-adjusted member of society.

Levels of Intellectual Disability A person with mental abilities far below average is termed intel- lectually disabled (the former term, mentally retarded, is now regarded by many as offensive). According to the current definition

It is wise to remember that there are many ways in which a child may be gifted. Many schools now offer Gifted and Talented Edu- cation programs for students with a variety of special abilities—not just for those who score well on IQ tests.

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These youngsters are participants in the Special Olympics—an athletic event for the intellectually disabled. It is often said of the Special Olympics that “everyone is a winner—participants, coaches, and spectators.”

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Chapter 9314

listed in the American Psychiatric Association’s Diagnostic and Sta- tistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-IV), intellectual disabil- ity begins at an IQ of approximately 70 or below and is classified as shown in ■ Table 9.4 (American Psychiatric Association, 2000). The listed IQ ranges are approximate because IQ scores normally vary a few points. The terms in the right-hand column are listed only to give you a general impression of each IQ range. Currently, a person’s ability to perform adaptive behaviors (basic skills such as dressing, eating, communicating, shopping, and working) also fig- ures into evaluating this disability (American Psychiatric Associa- tion, 2000; Hallahan, Kauffman, & Pullen, 2011).

A new edition of the DSM, the DSM-5, is scheduled for pub- lication in 2012. It is quite likely that the new definitions of levels

of intellectual disability will deemphasize IQ and focus more heavily on impairment of adaptive behaviors (American Psychiat- ric Association, 2010). After all, why label someone with fairly good adaptive skills “severely intellectually disabled” just because his or her IQ falls within a prescribed range? The end result of such labels is, too often, a placing of needless limitations on the educational goals of intellectually disabled persons (Harris, 2010; Kirk et al., 2011).

Are the intellectually disabled usually placed in institutions? No. Total care is usually only necessary for the profoundly disabled (IQ below 25). Many of these individuals live in group homes or with their families. Those who are severely disabled (IQ of 25–40) and moderately disabled (IQ of 40–55) are capable of mastering basic language and self-help skills. Ma

How intelligence is measured

Develop an 8- to 12-slide Microsoft® PowerPoint® presentation with speaker notes on the following topics:

  • How intelligence is measured
  • The characteristics of a good measure of intelligence
  • The benefits of testing for intelligence
  • The criticism of intelligence testing

 

Contrast intelligence theories, from early theories to more contemporary ideas on intelligence.

Format your presentation consistent with APA guidelines.

hypothesis testing

1. A method for testing a claim or hypothesis about a parameter in a population, using data measured in a sample, is called

random sampling

level of significance

hypothesis testing

guessing

2. The one-sample z test is a hypothesis test used to test hypotheses

concerning a single population with a known variance

concerning at least one population

concerning the variance in a population

all of the above

3. Given the following values: μ = 6.0, M = 7.6, n = 36, σ = 6, conduct a one-sample z test at a 0.05 level of significance. For a one-tailed test, upper-tail critical, what is the decision?

to reject the null hypothesis

to retain the null hypothesis

There is not enough information since the sample size is not given.

4. ________ allows researchers to describe (1) how far mean scores have shifted in the population, or (2) the percentage of variance that can be explained by a given variable.

significance

probability

power

effect size

5. The ________ is an inferential statistic used to determine the number of standard deviations in a t distribution that a sample means deviates from the mean value or mean difference stated in the null hypothesis.

distribution

statistic

standard error

degrees of freedom

6. State the critical value(s) for the following two-tailed t test at a 0.05 level of significance: t(∞).

±1.645

±1.96

the same as for a two-tailed z test at a 0.05 level of significance

both ±1.96 and the same as for a two-tailed z test at a 0.05 level of significance

7. A researcher reports that the mean time it takes to complete an experimental task is 1.4 ± 8.0 (M ± SD) seconds. If the null hypothesis was that the mean equals 1.0, then what is the effect size for this test using estimated Cohen’s d?

d = 0.05; small effect size

d = 0.50; medium effect size

d = 1.05; large effect size

There is not enough information to answer this question.

8. Computing a two-independent sample t test is appropriate when

different participants are assigned to each group

the population variance is unknown

participants are observed one time

all of the above

9. A researcher has participants rate the likability of a sexually promiscuous person described in a vignette as being male (n = 20) or female (n = 12). The mean likability ratings in each group were 4.0. If the null hypothesis is that there is no difference in likability ratings, then do likability ratings differ at a 0.05 level of significance?

Yes, this result is significant, p < 0.05.

No, this result is not significant, t(30) = 0.

No, this result is not significant, t(30) = 1.00.

There is not enough information to answer this question, because the variance in each sample is not given.

10. A type of related samples design in which participants are observed more than once is called a

repeated measures design

matched pairs design

matched samples design

both matched pairs design and matched samples design

11. A researcher records the level of attention among 18 students during an interactive and lecture portion of a single class. If she computes a related samples test at a 0.05 level of significance (two-tailed test), then what is the critical value for this test?

±1.734

±1.740

±2.110

±2.101

12. A researcher computes the mean difference in locomotion in a sample of 12 rats before and 30 minutes after an injection of amphetamine. Rats were placed in a box with infrared beams. The number of times rats crossed the beams was used as a measure of locomotion. The mean difference in locomotion was 6.2 ± 8.4 (MD ± SD), and this difference was significant. What is the effect size for this result using estimated Cohen’s d?

d = 0.74 (medium effect)

d = 1.36 (medium effect)

d = 0.74 (large effect)

d = 1.36 (large effect)

13. A researcher reports with 90% confidence that 31% to 37% of Americans believe in ghosts. What is the point estimate for this interval?

31%

34%

37%

31% to 37%

14. In a sample of 20 participants, a researcher estimates the 95% CI for a sample with a mean of M = 5.4 and an estimated standard error (SM) of 1.6. What is the upper confidence limit for this interval?

2.1

3.8

7.0

8.8

15. There is no difference between a point estimate and an interval estimate.

True

False

16. Using a between-subjects ANOVA design,

n · k participants are each observed one time

n participants are observed k times

data are not analyzed between groups

the same participants are observed in each group

17. A researcher measures attractiveness ratings of a male confederate among 30 women who were told the confederate was either single, dating, or married (n = 10 per group). What are the degrees of freedom for error for the one-way between-subjects ANOVA?

2

3

27

28

18. A researcher measures differences in romantic feelings among adolescent and adult males. If different participants were in each group, then what type of statistical design is appropriate for this study?

a two-independent sample t test

a one-way between-subjects ANOVA

a two-way between-subjects ANOVA

both a two-independent sample t test and a one-way between-subjects ANOVA

19. Which of the following post hoc tests is associated with the greatest power to detect an effect?

Schaffé test

Tukey’s HSD test

Bonferroni test

Fisher’s LSD test

20. A researcher computes a one-way within-subjects ANOVA in which k = 4 and n = 20.

What are the degrees of freedom error for this test?

57

79

80

There is not enough information to answer this question.

21. A researcher computes the following one-way within-subjects ANOVA table for a study in which k = 3 and n = 12.

State the decision at a 0.05 level of significance.

Source of Variation SS df MS Fobt
Between groups 450      
Between persons     20  
Within groups (error)        
Total 1030      

Reject the null hypothesis.

Retain the null hypothesis.

There is not enough information to answer this question.

22. There are ____ factors in a 2 × 3 ANOVA design.

2

3

5

6

23. A researcher conducts a 2 × 4 between-subjects ANOVA in which 12 participants were observed in each group. If SSB = 18 and SSE = 264 for this study, then what is the decision for Factor B at a 0.05 level of significance?

Reject the null hypothesis.

Retain the null hypothesis.

There is not enough information to answer this question.

24. A statistical procedure used to describe the strength and direction of the linear relationship between two factors is called

effect size

power

a correlation

coincidence

25. A researcher measures the following correlation: r = −0.21. What is the value of the coefficient of determination?

0.04

−0.04

0.42

−0.42

26. A researcher measures the correlation between the frequency of self-esteem (high, low) and health status (lean/healthy, overweight/obese). Based on the frequencies for each nominal category given below, what is the value of the phi correlation coefficient?

Health Status
Overweight/Obese Lean/Healthy
Self-Esteem Low 32 18
High 18 32

0.08

0.28

0.52

0.56

27. Linear regression describes the extent to which _______ predicts ________.

X; Y

the predictor variable; the criterion variable

the known variable; the to-be-predicted variable

all of the above

28. A researcher reports the following equation for a best-fitting straight line to a set of data points: Y hat= −1.01X + 3.24.Which value is the y-intercept?

Y hat

X

ñ1.01

3.24

29. If the coefficient of determination is 0.12 and SSY = 225, then what is the sum of squares regression for an analysis of regression?

27

198

225

There is not enough information to answer this question.

30. A chi-square goodness-of-fit test shows that the frequencies observed fit well with those that were expected. Hence, the decision was to

reject the null hypothesis

retain the null hypothesis

no decision was made

31. A researcher asks participants to taste each of three meals and to choose the one they like best. The same foods are in each meal, however the calorie total of each meal is different. One is low in calories, one is moderate in calories and one is high in calories. Based on the observed frequencies given below, what is an appropriate conclusion for this test at a .05 level of significance?

Type of Meal
Low Calorie Moderate Calorie High Calorie
fo 6 7 17
fe 10 10 10

Participants liked the high calorie meal more than the low calorie meal.

Participants liked the low calorie meal less than the moderate calorie meal.

Participants liked the high calorie meal more than was expected.

all of the above

32. Each of the following is an appropriate test for ordinal data, except

the Mann-Whitney U test

the chi-square goodness-of-fit test

the one-sample sign test

the Friedman test

33. A professor ranks the grades of students in each of three sections of a statistics course. He computes H = 6.83 for the Kruskal-Wallis H test to test for differences between the sections. What is the decision for this test?

Retain the null hypothesis.

Reject the null hypothesis.

There is not enough information to answer this question.

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RC_3116863_1_0

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Triage Assessment Form

image1.png

Triage Assessment Form: Crisis Intervention

© by R. A. Myer, R. C. Williams, A. J. Ottens, & A. E. Schmidt

Crisis Event

Identify and describe briefly the crisis situation:

______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Affective Domain

Identify and describe briefly the affect that is present. (If more than one affect is experienced, rate with number 1 being primary, number 2 secondary, number 3 tertiary.)

Anger/Hostility ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Anxiety/Fear ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Sadness/Melancholy ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Affective Severity Scale

Highlight the number that most closely corresponds with client’s reaction to crisis.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
No Impairment Minimal Impairment Low Impairment Moderate Impairment Marked Impairment Severe Impairment
Stable mood with normal variation of affect appropriate to daily functioning. Affect appropriate to situation. Brief periods during which negative mood is experienced slightly more intensely than situation warrants. Emotions are substantially under client control. Affect appropriate to situation but increasingly longer periods during which negative mood is experienced slightly more intensely than situation warrants. Client perceives emotions as being substantially under control. Affect may be incongruent with situation. Extended periods of intense negative moods. Mood is experienced noticeably more intensely than situation warrants. Liability of affect may be present. Effort required to control emotions. Negative affect experienced at markedly higher level than situation warrants. Affects may be obviously incongruent with situation. Mood swings, if occurring, are pronounced. Onset of negative moods are perceived by client as not being under volitional control. Decompensation or depersonalization evident.

Behavioral Domain

Identify and describe briefly which behavior is currently being used. (If more than one behavior is used, rate with number 1 being primary, number 2 secondary, number 3 tertiary.)

Approach ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Avoidance ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Immobility ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Behavioral Severity Scale

Highlight the number that most closely corresponds with client’s reaction to crisis.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
No Impairment Minimal Impairment Low Impairment Moderate Impairment Marked Impairment Severe Impairment
Coping behavior appropriate to crisis event. Client performs those tasks necessary for daily functioning. Occasional use of ineffective coping behaviors. Client performs those tasks necessary for daily functioning, but does so with noticeable effort. Occasional use of ineffective coping behaviors. Client neglects some tasks necessary for daily functioning. Client displays coping behaviors that may be ineffective and maladaptive. Ability to perform tasks necessary for daily functioning is noticeably compromised. Client displays coping behaviors that are likely to exacerbate crisis situation. Ability to perform tasks necessary for daily functioning is markedly absent. Behavior is erratic, unpredictable. Client’s behaviors are harmful to self and/or others.

Cognitive Domain

Identify whether a transgression, threat, or loss has occurred in the following areas and describe briefly. (If more than one cognitive response occurs, rate with number 1 being primary, number 2 secondary, number 3 tertiary.)

PHYSICAL (food, water, safety, shelter, et cetera):

Transgression _____ Threat _____ Loss _____

____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

PSYCHOLOGICAL (self-concept, emotional well-being, identity):

Transgression _____ Threat _____ Loss _____

____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

SOCIAL RELATIONSHIPS (family, friends, coworkers, et cetera):

Transgression _____ Threat _____ Loss _____

____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

MORAL/SPIRITUAL (personal integrity, values, beliefs):

Transgression _____ Threat _____ Loss _____

____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Cognitive Severity Scale

Highlight the number that most closely corresponds with client’s reaction to crisis.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
No Impairment Minimal Impairment Low Impairment Moderate Impairment Marked Impairment Severe Impairment
Concentration intact. Client displays normal problem-solving and decision-making abilities. Client’s perception and interpretation of crisis event match reality of situation. Client’s thoughts may drift to crisis event but focus of thoughts is under volitional control. Problem-solving and decision-making abilities minimally affected. Client’s perception and interpretation of crisis event substantially match reality of situation. Occasional disturbance of concentration. Client perceives diminished control over thoughts of crisis event. Client experiences recurrent difficulties with problem-solving and decision-making abilities. Client’s perception and interpretation of crisis event may differ in some respects from reality of situation. Frequent disturbance of concentration. Intrusive thoughts of crisis event with limited control. Problem-solving and decision-making abilities adversely affected by obsessiveness, self-doubt, confusion. Client’s perception and interpretation of crisis event may differ noticeably from reality of situation. Client plagued by intrusiveness of thoughts regarding crisis event. The appropriateness of client’s problem-solving and decision-making abilities likely adversely affected by obsessiveness, self-doubt, confusion. Client’s perception and interpretation of crisis event may differ substantially from reality of situation. Gross inability to concentrate on anything except crisis event. Client so afflicted by obsessiveness, self-doubt, and confusion that problem-solving and decision-making abilities have “shut down.” Client’s perception and interpretation of crisis event may differ so substantially from reality of situation as to constitute threat to client’s welfare.

Domain Severity Scale Summary

Affective _____ Cognitive _____ Behavioral _____ = Total _____

1

Diagnostic Skills and Techniques

After reading the case examples in the Myer and Conte (2006) article, you have a better understanding of how to use one type of assessment tool. A Microsoft Word copy of the Triage Assessment Form (TAF) is included in the assignment Resources. The most current version of this form is also shown in your James and Gilliland (2017) text, pages 60–64. Use the form to analyze one of the cases, either Ariadne or Jordan, described below. You can save the form as you have completed it as a MS Word document or as a PDF document, and attach the form to your written paper as an appendix.

Rate the client in each of the three domains (Affective, Behavioral, and Cognitive) using the Severity Scale included with each domain on the Triage Assessment Form (TAF) and total the scores. Describe, in detail, the rationale for your ratings, including your judgment about how intense and directive the treatment should be based upon the total score. In your discussion of the rationale, summarize diagnostic skills and techniques that can be used to screen for addiction, aggression, and danger to self and others, as you note these risks in your client. Similarly, a possible co-occurring mental disorder (such as substance abuse) may become apparent during a crisis, disaster, or other trauma-causing event that ties in with your assessment during the client’s crisis. Note this in your rationale to address the impact of crisis and trauma on individuals with mental health diagnoses.

Project Objectives

To successfully complete this project, you will be expected to:

  • Complete the Triage Assessment Form appropriately for the selected case, including all three domains, with clinical descriptions to guide the course of treatment by evaluating the domain ratings with a logical and articulate rationale of key elements of the crisis, disaster, or trauma-causing events, including the nature of the crisis and associated risks, and client and counselor safety.
  • Summarize diagnostic skills and techniques that can be used to screen for addiction, aggression, and danger to self and others, as you note these risks in your client.
  • Note a co-occurring mental disorder (such as substance abuse or depression), which may become apparent during a crisis, disaster, or other trauma-causing event that ties in with your assessment during the client’s crisis.
  • Differentiate characteristics of crisis states versus developmentally appropriate reactions to life obstacles and crisis assessment and intervention strategies for diverse populations.
  • Exhibit proficiency in effective, credible academic writing, and critical thinking skills.

Case of Ariadne:

Ariadne, a 17-year-old Hispanic female, ran away from home. The police returned her to her home, but within a week Ariadne had attempted suicide by taking her father’s prescription medication for high blood pressure. Ariadne had been showing signs of depression and was seen for mental health counseling a year previously for eight sessions. After receiving counseling, Ariadne stated that she felt unuseful at home and unwelcome at school. Feelings of worthlessness and anger arose periodically when her parents tried to engage her about school events. Ariadne had several close friends and one young man she called her “beau,” though she claimed there was no serious intimacy between them. She refused to return to counseling sessions, saying that the time was better spent talking with her friends. She complained that her parents were too strict with curfew times and asked too many questions. In the past week, Ariadne was discovered to skip school two days and refused to tell her parents where she had been. Ariadne’s mother found a bottle of pills and a bottle of vodka in her room.

**Headings to use in paper**

 

Using the Triage Assessment Form

Include the title of your paper centered at the top of the page, not bolded; it is not considered a heading. *This first section is your paper’s introduction.

Triage Assessment of the Client

Complete the Triage Assessment Form for the selected case, including all three domains and the total score. In this section of the paper, summarize the results and provide a logical and articulate rationale for each of the domain ratings with specific descriptions of each, by relating the specifics of the case to the ratings you determine. There is detail about using the TAF in Chapter 3 of your text, as well as the assigned Myer and Conte article. Use appropriate terminology, such as the psychobiological assessment found in Chapter 3 of your text, and language found in the TAF Severity Scales, to guide the course of treatment based upon your total score.

 

Diagnostic Skills and Techniques

Elaborate on diagnostic skills and techniques that can be used to screen for addiction, aggression, and danger to self and others, as well as co-occurring mental disorders during a crisis, such as the Hybrid Model and the ABC’s of Assessing Crisis Intervention found in Chapter 3 of your text. Discuss what counseling skills you use in a triage assessment of this client.

Developmental and Cultural Considerations in Crisis Assessment and Intervention

In this section of the paper, describe how you would differentiate between the characteristics of crisis states versus developmentally appropriate reactions to life obstacles. Describe crisis assessment and interventions considerations and strategies when working with diverse populations. Consider any cultural, diversity, or even gender issues that may be involved in assessment or intervention with your chosen scenario. Give examples of what you would include in your assessment and intervention.

***Use the case study and complete the triage form i have attached



Credits and acknowledgments

Social Psychology Ninth Edition

Elliot Aronson

Timothy D. Wilson

Robin M. Akert

Samuel R. Sommers

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A01_ARON6544_09_SE_FM.indd 1 28/05/15 1:47 AM

Credits and acknowledgments borrowed from other sources and reproduced, with permission, in this textbook appear on the appropriate page within the text or on pages 567–572.

Copyright © 2016, 2013, 2010 by Pearson Education, Inc. or its affiliates. All Rights Reserved. Printed in the United States of America. This publication is protected by copyright, and permission should be obtained from the publisher prior to any prohibited reproduction, storage in a retrieval system, or transmission in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise. For information regarding permissions, request forms and the appropriate contacts within the Pearson Education Global Rights & Permissions department, please visit www.pearsoned.com/permissions/.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Aronson, Elliot. Social psychology / Elliot Aronson, Timothy D. Wilson, Robin M. Akert, Samuel R. Sommers. — Ninth Edition. pages cm Revised editon of the authors’ Social psychology, 2013. ISBN 978-0-13-393654-4 (Student Edition) 1. Social psychology. I. Wilson, Timothy D. II. Akert, Robin M. III. Title. HM1033.A78 2016 302—dc23 2015016513

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To my grandchildren: Jacob, Jason, Ruth, Eliana, Natalie, Rachel, and Leo. My hope is that your capacity for empathy and compassion will help make

the world a better place.

—E.A.

To my family, Deirdre Smith, Christopher Wilson, and Leigh Wilson

—T.D.W.

To my mentor, colleague, and friend, Dane Archer

—R.M.A.

To my students—past, present, and future—for making coming to work each morning fun, educational, and unpredictable.

—S.R.S.

A01_ARON6544_09_SE_FM.indd 3 28/05/15 1:47 AM

iv

1 Introducing Social Psychology 1

2 Methodology: How Social Psychologists Do Research 23

3 Social Cognition: How We Think About the Social World 51

4 Social Perception: How We Come to Understand Other People 84

5 The Self: Understanding Ourselves in a Social Context 119

6 The Need to Justify Our Actions: The Costs and Benefits of Dissonance Reduction 157

7 Attitudes and Attitude Change: Influencing Thoughts and Feelings 188

8 Conformity: Influencing Behavior 226

9 Group Processes: Influence in Social Groups 269

10 Interpersonal Attraction: From First Impressions to Close Relationships 303

11 Prosocial Behavior: Why Do People Help? 344

12 Aggression: Why Do We Hurt Other People? Can We Prevent It? 375

13 Prejudice: Causes, Consequences, and Cures 413

Social Psychology in Action 1 Using Social Psychology to Achieve a Sustainable and Happy Future 455

Social Psychology in Action 2 Social Psychology and Health 476

Social Psychology in Action 3 Social Psychology and the Law 496

Brief Contents

A01_ARON6544_09_SE_FM.indd 4 28/05/15 1:47 AM

v

Preface xi About the Authors xvii Special Tips for Students xix

1 Introducing Social Psychology 1 Defining Social Psychology 3 Try IT! How Do Other People Affect your Values? 3

Social Psychology, Philosophy, Science, and Common Sense 4 How Social Psychology Differs from Its Closest Cousins 6

Try IT! Social Situations and Shyness 7

The Power of the Situation 9 The Importance of Explanation 10 The Importance of Interpretation 12

Where Construals Come From: Basic Human Motives 15 The Self-Esteem Motive: The Need to Feel Good About Ourselves 16

SuffERiNg AND SELf-JuSTifiCATioN

The Social Cognition Motive: The Need to Be Accurate 17 ExpECTATioNS AbouT ThE SoCiAL WoRLD

Summary  20 • Test Yourself  21

2 Methodology: How Social Psychologists Do Research 23

Social Psychology: An Empirical Science 24 Try IT! Social Psychology Quiz: What’s your Prediction? 25

Formulating Hypotheses and Theories 25 iNSpiRATioN fRoM EARLiER ThEoRiES and ReSeaRch  •  hYpoTheSeS BaSed  oN pERSoNAL obSERvATioNS

Research Designs 27

The Observational Method: Describing Social Behavior 28 eThnogRaphY  •  aRchival analYSiS  •  limiTS  of ThE obSERvATioNAL METhoD

The Correlational Method: Predicting Social Behavior 30 SuRveYS  •  limiTS of The coRRelaTional meThod:  CoRRELATioN DoES NoT EquAL CAuSATioN

Try IT! Correlation and Causation: Knowing the Difference 33

The Experimental Method: Answering Causal Questions 34 independenT and dependenT vaRiaBleS  •  inTeRnal  validiTY in expeRimenTS  •  exTeRnal validiTY  in expeRimenTS  •  field expeRimenTS  •  ReplicaTionS  and meTa-analYSiS  •  BaSic veRSuS applied ReSeaRch

New Frontiers in Social Psychological Research 42 Culture and Social Psychology 43 The Evolutionary Approach 43 Social Neuroscience 44

Ethical Issues in Social Psychology 45 Summary  48 • Test Yourself  49

3 Social Cognition: How We Think About the Social World 51

On Automatic Pilot: Low-Effort Thinking 53 People as Everyday Theorists: Automatic Thinking with Schemas 54 Which Schemas Do We Use? Accessibility and Priming 56 Making Our Schemas Come True: The Self-Fulfilling Prophecy 58

Types of Automatic Thinking 61 Automatic Goal Pursuit 62 Automatic Decision Making 63 Automatic Thinking and Metaphors About the Body and the Mind 63 Mental Strategies and Shortcuts: Judgmental Heuristics 65

how eaSilY doeS iT come To mind? The availaBiliTY  heuRiSTic  •  how SimilaR iS a To B? The  REpRESENTATivENESS hEuRiSTiC

Try IT! reasoning Quiz 69

peRSonaliTY TeSTS and The RepReSenTaTiveneSS  hEuRiSTiC

Cultural Differences in Social Cognition 70 Cultural Determinants of Schemas 70 Holistic versus Analytic Thinking 71

Controlled Social Cognition: High-Effort Thinking 73 Controlled Thinking and Free Will 73

Try IT! Can you Predict your (or your Friend’s) Future? 76

Mentally Undoing the Past: Counterfactual Reasoning 76 Improving Human Thinking 77

Try IT! How Well Do you reason? 78

Watson Revisited 79 Summary  80 • Test Yourself  82

4 Social Perception: How We Come to Understand Other People 84

Nonverbal Communication 86 Try IT! Using your Voice as a Nonverbal Cue 87

Facial Expressions of Emotion 87 evoluTion and facial expReSSionS  •  whY iS decoding  SomeTimeS difficulT?

Culture and the Channels of Nonverbal Communication 90

First Impressions: Quick but Long-Lasting 93 The Lingering Influence of Initial Impressions 94 Using First Impressions and Nonverbal Communication to Our Advantage 95

Contents

A01_ARON6544_09_SE_FM.indd 5 28/05/15 1:47 AM

vi Contents

Causal Attribution: Answering the “Why” Question 97 The Nature of the Attribution Process 97

Try IT! Listen as People Make Attributions 98

The Covariation Model: Internal versus External Attributions 98 The Fundamental Attribution Error: People as Personality Psychologists 101

ThE RoLE of pERCEpTuAL SALiENCE iN ThE fuNDAMENTAL aTTRiBuTion eRRoR  •  The Two-STep aTTRiBuTion  pRoCESS

Self-Serving Attributions 106 The “Bias Blind Spot” 108

Culture and Social Perception 109 Holistic versus Analytic Thinking 110

SoCiAL NEuRoSCiENCE EviDENCE

Cultural Differences in the Fundamental Attribution Error 111 Culture and Other Attributional Biases 113 Summary  115 • Test Yourself  117

5 The Self: Understanding Ourselves in a Social Context 119

The Origins and Nature of the Self-Concept 120 Cultural Influences on the Self-Concept 122

Try IT! A Measure of Independence and Interdependence 123

Functions of the Self 124

Knowing Ourselves Through Introspection 125 Focusing on the Self: Self-Awareness Theory 125

Try IT! Measure your Private Self- Consciousness 127

Judging Why We Feel the Way We Do: Telling More Than We Can Know 127 The Consequences of Introspecting About Reasons 128

Knowing Ourselves by Observing Our Own Behavior 130 Intrinsic versus Extrinsic Motivation 131 Mindsets and Motivation 134 Understanding Our Emotions: The Two-Factor Theory of Emotion 134 Finding the Wrong Cause: Misattribution of Arousal 137

Using Other People to Know Ourselves 139 Knowing Ourselves by Comparing Ourselves to Others 140 Knowing Ourselves by Adopting Other People’s Views 141 Knowing Our Future Feelings by Consulting Other People 143

Self-Control: The Executive Function of the Self 144

Impression Management: All the World’s a Stage 146 Ingratiation and Self-Handicapping 147 Culture, Impression Management, and Self-Enhancement 149

Self-Esteem: How We Feel About Ourselves 150 Summary  153 • Test Yourself  155

6 The Need to Justify Our Actions: The Costs and Benefits of Dissonance Reduction 157

The Theory of Cognitive Dissonance 158 When Cognitions Conflict 158

whY we oveReSTimaTe The pain of diSappoinTmenT

Dissonance and the Self-Concept 162 Decisions, Decisions, Decisions 163

diSToRTing ouR likeS and diSlikeS  •  The peRmanence  of ThE DECiSioN

Try IT! The Advantage of Finality 165

cReaTing The illuSion of iRRevocaBiliTY  •  The deciSion To Behave immoRallY

Dissonance, Culture, and the Brain 167 diSSonance in The BRain  •  diSSonance acRoSS  CuLTuRES

Self-Justification in Everyday Life 169 The Justification of Effort 169

Try IT! Justifying What you’ve Done 171

External versus Internal Justification 171

counTeRaTTiTudinal advocacY

Punishment and Self-Persuasion 173 The laSTing effecTS of Self-peRSuaSion  •  NoT JuST TANgibLE REWARDS oR puNiShMENTS

The Hypocrisy Paradigm 176 Justifying Good Deeds and Harmful Acts 177

The Ben fRanklin effecT: JuSTifYing acTS of kindneSS

Try IT! The Internal Consequences of Doing Good 179

dehumanizing The enemY: JuSTifYing cRuelTY

Some Final Thoughts on Dissonance: Learning from Our Mistakes 181

poliTicS and Self-JuSTificaTion  •  ovERCoMiNg DiSSoNANCE

Summary  185 • Test Yourself  186

7 Attitudes and Attitude Change: Influencing Thoughts and Feelings 188

The Nature and Origin of Attitudes 190 Where Do Attitudes Come From? 190

cogniTivelY BaSed aTTiTudeS  •  affecTivelY BaSed  ATTiTuDES

Try IT! Affective and Cognitive Bases of Attitudes 192

BehavioRallY BaSed aTTiTudeS

Explicit versus Implicit Attitudes 193

When Do Attitudes Predict Behavior? 195 Predicting Spontaneous Behaviors 196 Predicting Deliberative Behaviors 196

Specific aTTiTudeS  •  SuBJecTive noRmS  •  peRceived  bEhAvioRAL CoNTRoL

How Do Attitudes Change? 199 Changing Attitudes by Changing Behavior: Cognitive Dissonance Theory Revisited 199 Persuasive Communications and Attitude Change 200

A01_ARON6544_09_SE_FM.indd 6 28/05/15 1:47 AM

vii

ThE CENTRAL AND pERiphERAL RouTES To peRSuaSion  •  The moTivaTion To paY  aTTenTion To The aRgumenTS  •  The aBiliTY To paY  aTTenTion To The aRgumenTS  •  how To achieve  LoNg-LASTiNg ATTiTuDE ChANgE

Emotion and Attitude Change 205 feaR-aRouSing communicaTionS  •  emoTionS  aS a heuRiSTic  •  emoTion and diffeRenT TYpeS  of ATTiTuDES

Attitude Change and the Body 209

The Power of Advertising 210 How Advertising Works 211 Subliminal Advertising: A Form of Mind Control? 212

DEbuNkiNg ThE CLAiMS AbouT SubLiMiNAL adveRTiSing  •  laBoRaToRY evidence foR SuBliminal  iNfLuENCE

Try IT! Consumer Brand Attitudes 215

Advertising, Stereotypes, and Culture 215 gendeR STeReoTYpeS and expecTaTionS  •  CuLTuRE AND ADvERTiSiNg

Resisting Persuasive Messages 219

Attitude Inoculation 219 Being Alert to Product Placement 219 Resisting Peer Pressure 220 When Persuasion Attempts Backfire: Reactance Theory 221 Summary  223 • Test Yourself  224

8 Conformity: Influencing Behavior 226 Conformity: When and Why 228

Informational Social Influence: The Need to Know What’s “Right” 230

The Importance of Being Accurate 233 When Informational Conformity Backfires 234 When Will People Conform to Informational Social Influence? 235

when The SiTuaTion iS amBiguouS  •  when The SiTuaTion  iS a cRiSiS  •  when oTheR people aRe expeRTS

Normative Social Influence: The Need to Be Accepted 236

Conformity and Social Approval: The Asch Line-Judgment Studies 238 The Importance of Being Accurate, Revisited 241 The Consequences of Resisting Normative Social Influence 243

Try IT! Unveiling Normative Social Influence by Breaking the rules 244

When Will People Conform to Normative Social Influence? 244

when The gRoup gRowS laRgeR  •  when The gRoup iS  impoRTanT  •  when one haS no allieS in The gRoup  •  WhEN ThE gRoup’S CuLTuRE iS CoLLECTiviSTiC

Minority Influence: When the Few Influence the Many 248

Strategies for Using Social Influence 249 The Role of Injunctive and Descriptive Norms 250

Using Norms to Change Behavior: Beware the “Boomerang Effect” 252 Other Tactics of Social Influence 253

Obedience to Authority 256 The Role of Normative Social Influence 259 The Role of Informational Social Influence 260 Other Reasons Why We Obey 261

confoRming To The wRong noRm  •  Self-JuSTificaTion  •  The loSS of peRSonal ReSponSiBiliTY

The Obedience Studies, Then and Now 263 iT’S NoT AbouT AggRESSioN

Summary  266 • Test Yourself  267

9 Group Processes: Influence in Social Groups 269

What Is a Group? 270 Why Do People Join Groups? 270 The Composition and Functions of Groups 271

Social noRmS  •  Social RoleS  •  gRoup  coheSiveneSS  •  gRoup diveRSiTY

Individual Behavior in a Group Setting 275 Social Facilitation: When the Presence of Others Energizes Us 276

Simple veRSuS difficulT TaSkS  •  aRouSal  and The dominanT ReSponSe  •  whY The pReSence  of oThERS CAuSES ARouSAL

Social Loafing: When the Presence of Others Relaxes Us 279 Gender and Cultural Differences in Social Loafing: Who Slacks Off the Most? 280 Deindividuation: Getting Lost in the Crowd 281

DEiNDiviDuATioN MAkES pEopLE fEEL LESS accounTaBle  •  deindividuaTion incReaSeS  oBedience To gRoup noRmS  •  deindividuaTion  oNLiNE

Group Decisions: Are Two (or More) Heads Better Than One? 283

Process Loss: When Group Interactions Inhibit Good Problem Solving 284

failuRe To ShaRe unique infoRmaTion  •  gRoupThink: manY headS, one mind

Group Polarization: Going to Extremes 287 Leadership in Groups 289

leadeRShip and peRSonaliTY  •  leadeRShip  STYleS  •  The RighT peRSon in The RighT  SiTuaTion  •  gendeR and leadeRShip  •  culTuRe  AND LEADERShip

Conflict and Cooperation 293 Social Dilemmas 293

Try IT! The Prisoner’s Dilemma 295

iNCREASiNg CoopERATioN iN ThE pRiSoNER’S DiLEMMA

Using Threats to Resolve Conflict 296

EffECTS of CoMMuNiCATioN

Negotiation and Bargaining 298 Summary  300 • Test Yourself  301

Contents vii

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10 Interpersonal Attraction: From First Impressions to Close Relationships 303

What Predicts Attraction? 305 The Person Next Door: The Propinquity Effect 306

Try IT! Mapping the Effect of Propinquity in your Life 306

Similarity 308 opinionS and peRSonaliTY  •  inTeReSTS  and expeRienceS  •  appeaRance  •  geneTicS  •  Some final commenTS aBouT SimilaRiTY

Reciprocal Liking 310 Physical Attractiveness 311

whaT iS aTTRacTive?  •  culTuRal STandaRdS  of BeauTY  •  The poweR of familiaRiTY  •  ASSuMpTioNS AbouT ATTRACTivE pEopLE

Evolution and Mate Selection 316 evoluTion and Sex diffeRenceS  •  alTeRnaTe  pERSpECTivES oN SEx DiffERENCES

Making Connections in the Age of Technology 320 Attraction 2.0: Mate Preference in an Online Era 321 The Promise and Pitfalls of Online Dating 323

Love and Close Relationships 325 Defining Love: Companionship and Passion 325

Try IT! Passionate Love Scale 327

Culture and Love 327 Attachment Styles in Intimate Relationships 329 This Is Your Brain . . . in Love 331 Theories of Relationship Satisfaction: Social Exchange and Equity 332

Social exchange TheoRY  •  equiTY TheoRY

Ending Intimate Relationships 338 The Process of Breaking Up 338 The Experience of Breaking Up 339 Summary  341 • Test Yourself  342

11 Prosocial Behavior: Why Do People Help? 344

Basic Motives Underlying Prosocial Behavior: Why Do People Help? 345

Evolutionary Psychology: Instincts and Genes 346 kin SelecTion  •  The RecipRociTY noRm

Try IT! The Dictator Game 347

gRoup SELECTioN

Social Exchange: The Costs and Rewards of Helping 348 Empathy and Altruism: The Pure Motive for Helping 349

Personal Qualities and Prosocial Behavior: Why Do Some People Help More Than Others? 353

Individual Differences: The Altruistic Personality 354 Try IT! Empathic Concern 354

Gender Differences in Prosocial Behavior 355

Cultural Differences in Prosocial Behavior 355 Religion and Prosocial Behavior 357 The Effects of Mood on Prosocial Behavior 357

effecTS of poSiTive moodS: feel good, do good  •  fEEL bAD, Do gooD

Situational Determinants of Prosocial Behavior: When Will People Help? 359

Environment: Rural versus Urban 359 Residential Mobility 360 The Number of Bystanders: The Bystander Effect 361

noTicing an evenT  •  inTeRpReTing The evenT aS an  emeRgencY  •  aSSuming ReSponSiBiliTY  •  knowing  how To help  •  deciding To implemenT The help

Effects of the Media: Video Games and Music Lyrics 366

How Can Helping Be Increased? 368 Increasing the Likelihood That Bystanders Will Intervene 368 Increasing Volunteerism 370 Positive Psychology, Human Virtues, and Prosocial Behavior 371 Summary  372 • Test Yourself  373

12 Aggression: Why Do We Hurt Other People? Can We Prevent It? 375

Is Aggression Innate, Learned, or Optional? 376 The Evolutionary View 377

AggRESSioN iN oThER ANiMALS

Culture and Aggression 378 ChANgES iN AggRESSioN ACRoSS TiME and culTuReS  •  culTuReS of honoR

Gender and Aggression 381 phYSical aggReSSion  •  RELATioNAL AggRESSioN

Try IT! Do Women and Men Differ in Their Experiences with Aggression? 383

Learning to Behave Aggressively 383 Some Physiological Influences 385

The effecTS of alcohol  •  The effecTS  of pAiN AND hEAT

Social Situations and Aggression 387 Frustration and Aggression 388 Provocation and Reciprocation 389

Try IT! Insults and Aggression 390

Weapons as Aggressive Cues 390 Putting the Elements Together: The Case of Sexual Assault 391

moTivaTionS foR Rape  •  Sexual ScRipTS  and The pRoBlem of conSenT  •  puTTing  ThE ELEMENTS TogEThER

Violence and the Media 394 Studying the Effects of Media Violence 394

expeRimenTal STudieS  •  longiTudinal STudieS

The Problem of Determining Cause and Effect 397

viii Contents

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How to Decrease Aggression 399 Does Punishing Aggression Reduce Aggression? 399

uSiNg puNiShMENT oN vioLENT ADuLTS

Catharsis and Aggression 401 ThE EffECTS of AggRESSivE ACTS oN SubSEquENT aggReSSion  •  Blaming The vicTim of ouR  AggRESSioN

What Are We Supposed to Do with Our Anger? 403 vENTiNg vERSuS SELf-AWARENESS

Try IT! Controlling your Anger 404

TRAiNiNg iN CoMMuNiCATioN AND pRobLEM-SoLviNg SkillS  •  counTeRing dehumanizaTion  BY Building empaThY

Disrupting the Rejection-Rage Cycle 406 Summary  408 • Test Yourself  411

13 Prejudice: Causes, Consequences, and Cures 413

Defining Prejudice 414 The Cognitive Component: Stereotypes 415

fRom caTegoRieS To STeReoTYpeS

Try IT! Stereotypes and Aggression 417

whaT’S wRong wiTh poSiTive STeReoTYpeS?  •  STeReoTYpeS of gendeR

The Affective Component: Emotions 420

Try IT! Identifying your Prejudices 421

The Behavioral Component: Discrimination 421 Racial diScRiminaTion  •  gendeR diScRiminaTion  •  ThE ACTivATioN of pREJuDiCE

Detecting Hidden Prejudices 427 Ways of Identifying Suppressed Prejudices 427 Ways of Identifying Implicit Prejudices 428

The Effects of Prejudice on the Victim 430 The Self-Fulfilling Prophecy 430 Stereotype Threat 431

Causes of Prejudice 434 Pressures to Conform: Normative Rules 434 Social Identity Theory: Us versus Them 436

eThnocenTRiSm  •  in-gRoup BiaS  •  ouT-gRoup  homogeneiTY  •  Blaming The vicTim  •  JuSTifYing  feelingS of enTiTlemenT and SupeRioRiTY

Realistic Conflict Theory 440 ECoNoMiC AND poLiTiCAL CoMpETiTioN

Reducing Prejudice 442 The Contact Hypothesis 443 When Contact Reduces Prejudice 445

WhERE DESEgREgATioN WENT WRoNg

Cooperation and Interdependence: The Jigsaw Classroom 447

whY doeS JigSaw woRk?

Try IT! Jigsaw-Type Group Study 449

ThE gRADuAL SpREAD of CoopERATivE AND iNTERDEpENDENT LEARNiNg

Summary  451 • Test Yourself  453

Social Psychology in Action 1 Using Social Psychology to Achieve a Sustainable and Happy Future 455

Applied Research in Social Psychology 458 Capitalizing on the Experimental Method 459

ASSESSiNg ThE EffECTivENESS of inTeRvenTionS  •  poTenTial RiSkS of Social  iNTERvENTioNS

Social Psychology to the Rescue 461

Using Social Psychology to Achieve a Sustainable Future 461

Conveying and Changing Social Norms 462

Try IT! reducing Littering with Descriptive Norms 463

Keeping Track of Consumption 464 Introducing a Little Competitiveness 465 Inducing Hypocrisy 465 Removing Small Barriers to Achieve Big Changes 467

Happiness and a Sustainable Lifestyle 469 What Makes People Happy? 469

SaTiSfYing RelaTionShipS  •  flow: Becoming  engaged in SomeThing You enJoY  •  accumulaTe  expeRienceS, noT ThingS  •  helping oTheRS

Try IT! Applying the research to your Own Life 472

Do People Know What Makes Them Happy? 472 Summary  473 • Test Yourself  474

Social Psychology in Action 2 Social Psychology and Health 476

Stress and Human Health 477 Resilience 478 Effects of Negative Life Events 479

Try IT! The College Life Stress Inventory 480

LiMiTS of STRESS iNvENToRiES

Perceived Stress and Health 481 Feeling in Charge: The Importance of Perceived Control 482

iNCREASiNg pERCEivED CoNTRoL iN nuRSing homeS  •  diSeaSe, conTRol, and  WELL-bEiNg

Coping with Stress 486 Gender Differences in Coping with Stress 487 Social Support: Getting Help from Others 487

Try IT! Social Support 488

Reframing: Finding Meaning in Traumatic Events 489

Prevention: Promoting Healthier Behavior 491 Summary  493 • Test Yourself  494

Contents ix

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Social Psychology in Action 3 Social Psychology and the Law 496

Eyewitness Testimony 498 Why Are Eyewitnesses Often Wrong? 498

acquiSiTion  •  SToRage  •  ReTRieval

Judging Whether Eyewitnesses Are Mistaken 503 ReSponding quicklY  •  The pRoBlem wiTh  veRBalizaTion  •  poST-idenTificaTion  fEEDbACk

Try IT! The Accuracy of Eyewitness Testimony 506

The Recovered Memory Debate 506

Juries: Group Processes in Action 509 How Jurors Process Information During the Trial 509 Confessions: Are They Always What They Seem? 510 Deliberations in the Jury Room 512 Summary  513 • Test Yourself  514

Glossary 516

References 522

Credits 567

Name Index 573

Subject Index 588

Answer Key AK-1

x Contents

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xi

Preface

When we began writing this book, our overrid-ing goal was to capture the excitement of social psychology. We have been pleased to hear, in many kind letters and e-mail messages from professors and students, that we succeeded. One of our favorite responses was from a student who said that the book was so inter- esting that she always saved it for last, to reward herself for finishing her other work. With that one student, at least, we succeeded in making our book an enjoyable, fascinating story, not a dry report of facts and figures.

There is always room for improvement, however, and our goal in this, the ninth edition, is to make the field of social psychology an even better read. When we teach the course, there is nothing more gratifying than seeing the sleepy stu- dents in the back row sit up with interest and say, “Wow, I didn’t know that! Now that’s interesting.” We hope that students who read our book will have that same reaction.

What’s New in This Edition? We are pleased to add new features to the ninth edition that we believe will appeal to students and make it easier for them to learn the material. Each chapter begins with some learning objectives, which are repeated in the sections of the chapter that are most relevant to them and in the chapter- ending summary. All major sections of every chapter now end with review quizzes. Research shows that students learn material better when they are tested frequently, thus these section quizzes, as well as the test questions at the end of every chapter, should be helpful learning aids. Every chapter now has several writing prompts that instructors can decide to assign or not. In addition, we have retained and refined features that proved to be popular in the pre- vious edition. For example, many of the Try It! exercises, which invite students to apply specific concepts to their everyday behavior, have been revised or replaced.

We have updated the ninth edition substantially, with numerous references to new research. Here is a sampling of the new research that is covered:

• A signature of our book continues to be Chapter 2, “Methodology: How Social Psychologists Do Research,” a readable, student-friendly chapter on social psychol- ogy research methods. This chapter has been updated for the ninth edition with new references and examples.

• Chapter 3, “Social Cognition: How We Think About the Social World,” has been reorganized to make the struc- ture clearer to students. There are now four major sec- tions: On Automatic Pilot: Low-Effort Thinking; Types of Automatic Thinking, Cultural Differences in Social Cognition, and Controlled Social Thinking. There are

also new sections on automatic goal pursuit and deci- sion making. Finally, the chapter has been updated with numerous new references.

• Chapter 4, “Social Perception: How We Come to Un- derstand Other People,” now includes a new section on “First Impressions: Quick but Long-Lasting,” with new coverage of thin-slicing, belief perseverance, and the use of nonverbal communication to personal advantage (e.g., in the form of power posing). The chapter also pre- sents updated research and conclusions regarding the universality of emotional expression, and new popular media examples from programs such as Breaking Bad, Duck Dynasty, and the podcast Serial.

• Chapter 5, “The Self: Understanding Ourselves in a So- cial Context,” has been reorganized into seven major sections instead of five, which should make the mate- rial clearer to students. We also revised the opening example, added a section on affective forecasting, re- organized some of the other sections (e.g., on culture and the self and on mindsets), added two new figures, and deleted or consolidated two other figures. Nearly 50 references to recent research have been added.

• Chapter 6, “The Need to Justify Our Actions,” now in- cludes a revised definition of cognitive dissonance and two dozen new references. These updates include stud- ies examining dissonance and cheating, hypocrisy and its consequences for self-justification, the justification of kindness in very young children, and a field study of jus- tification of effort among participants in a religious ritual in Mauritius.

• Chapter 7, “Attitudes and Attitude Change: Influencing Thoughts and Feelings,” includes some reorganization of section order in response to reviewer suggestions and an updated analysis of advertising, stereotypes, and culture. New Try It! exercises have also been added regarding the role of automatic thought processes in consumer-related attitudes.

• Chapter 8, “Conformity: Influencing Behavior,” now boasts a new section on tactics of social influence, in- cluding the foot-in-the-door and door-in-the-face tech- nique. We have also added review of the Bond et al. (2012) election study in which the appearance of an “I Voted” button on Facebook was found to influence users’ own likelihood of voting. This chapter also dis- cusses the role of normative social influence in the polar plunge trend and the ALS ice bucket challenge that went viral on social media in 2014.

• Chapter 9, “Group Processes: Influence in Social Groups,” includes a new section on the relationship between group diversity, morale, and performance. The discussion of deindividuation has also been updated to consider the tendency as it is manifested in on-line contexts.

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xii preface

• Chapter 10, “Interpersonal Attraction: From First Im- pressions to Close Relationships,” has a new opening vignette focusing on Tinder and other dating-related apps/websites. We have expanded the treatment of fer- tility and attraction in response to reviewer feedback, and also added new research on the relationship be- tween genetic similarity and attraction.

• In Chapter 11, “Prosocial Behavior: Why Do People Help?” we substantially revised the sections on religion and prosocial behavior and on positive psychology. We now discuss recent research by van den Bos on appraisal and bystander intervention and recent media examples, such as a mention of the movie Kick Ass.

• Chapter 12, “Aggression: Why Do We Hurt Other Peo- ple? Can We Prevent It?,” has undergone significant organizational changes across the entire chapter for clarity and narrative flow. The first section now uni- fies various answers to the question of the origins of aggression—evolutionary, cultural, learned, physi- ological influences—with special attention to gender and aggression (similarities as well as the familiar dif- ferences). We have also added a section, “Putting the Elements Together: The Case of Sexual Assault.” Here we not only updated the references but also added the latest studies about causes of rape and sexual assault; sexual scripts; and a 2015 review of research on sexual miscommunications.

• In Chapter 13, “Prejudice: Causes, Consequences, and Cures,” we have added more on the Implicit Associa- tion Test (IAT) as it relates to measuring implicit bias. The chapter also now includes more social neuroscience research on social categorization and expands its dis- cussion of the effects of prejudice on its targets. Several new glossary entries have been added to reflect these updates.

• Social Psychology in Action chapters—“Using Social Psychology to Achieve a Sustainable and Happy Fu- ture,” “Social Psychology and Health,” and “Social Psychology and the Law”—have been updated with many references to new research, but remain shorter chapters. When we teach the course, we find that stu- dents are excited to learn about these applied areas. At the same time, we recognize that some instructors have difficulty fitting the chapters into their courses. As with the previous edition, our approach remains to maintain a shortened length for the applied chap- ters to make it easy to integrate these chapters into different parts of the course in whatever fashion an instructor deems best. SPA1, “Using Social Psychology to Achieve a Sustainable and Happy Future,” has a new opening example about the effects of climate change on U.S. cities and a new discussion of how experiences make people happier than material things. In SPA2, “Social Psychology and Health,” we revised the sections on perceived control, “tend and befriend” responses to stress, and behavioral causes of health problems. SPA3, “Social Psychology and Law,” has updated information on the role of post-identification feedback on eyewit- ness confidence and revised conclusions regarding the repressed memory debate.

REVEL™ Educational technology designed for the way today’s students read, think, and learn When students are engaged deeply, they learn more effec- tively and perform better in their courses. This simple fact inspired the creation of REVEL: an immersive learning ex- perience designed for the way today’s students read, think, and learn. Built in collaboration with educators and stu- dents nationwide, REVEL is the newest, fully digital way to deliver respected Pearson content.

REVEL enlivens course content with media interactives and assessments—integrated directly within the authors’ narrative—that provide opportunities for students to read about and practice course material in tandem. This immer- sive educational technology boosts student engagement, which leads to better understanding of concepts and im- proved performance throughout the course.

We are proud to release the ninth edition of Social Psychol- ogy in REVEL. This version of the book includes integrated videos and media content throughout, allowing students to explore topics more deeply at the point of relevancy. All of the interactive content in REVEL was carefully written and designed by the authors themselves, ensuring that students will receive the most effective presentation of the content in each chapter. Videos were also carefully selected by the au- thor team, and several of them were filmed specifically for the ninth edition in REVEL.

REVEL also offers the ability for students to assess their content mastery by taking multiple-choice quizzes that of- fer instant feedback and by participating in a variety of writing assignments such as peer- reviewed questions and auto-graded assignments.

Learn More About REVEL http://www.pearsonhighered.com/revel/

Actor A

Actor B

ObserverB

ObserverA + B

ObserverA

ObserverB

ObserverA + B

ObserverA

This hands-on interactive helps students understand a well-known study on perceptual salience by giving them additional pop-up information when they click on a particular participant perspective.

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preface xiii

Teaching and Learning Resources A really good textbook should become part of the classroom experience, supporting and augmenting the professor’s vision for the class. Social Psychology offers a number of sup- plements that enrich both the professor’s presentation of social psychology and the students’ understanding of it.

MyPsychLab® • MyPsychLab (013401264X) combines proven learning

applications with powerful assessment to engage stu- dents, assess their learning, and help them succeed.

• An individualized study plan for each student, based on performance on chapter pre-tests, helps students focus on the specific topics where they need the most support. The personalized study plan arranges content from less complex thinking—like remembering and un- derstanding—to more complex critical-thinking skills— like applying and analyzing—and is based on Bloom’s taxonomy. Every level of the study plan provides a formative assessment quiz.

• Media assignments for each chapter—including videos with assignable questions—feed directly into the grade- book, enabling instructors to track student progress au- tomatically.

• The Pearson eText (0134012631) lets students access their textbook anytime and anywhere, and in any way they want, including listening online.

• Designed to help you develop and assess concept mas- tery and critical thinking, the Writing Space offers a single place to create, track, and grade writing assign- ments, provide resources, and exchange meaningful, personalized feedback with students, quickly and easily. Thanks to auto-graded, assisted-graded, and

create-your-own assignments, you decide your level of involvement in evaluating students’ work. The au- to-graded option allows you to assign writing in large classes without having to grade essays by hand. And because of integration with Turnitin®, Writing Space can check students’ work for improper citation or pla- giarism.

Instructor Resources We know that instructors are “tour guides” for their stu- dents, leading them through the exciting world of social psychology in the classroom. As such, we have invested tremendous effort in the creation of a world-class collection of instructor resources that will support professors in their mission to teach the best course possible.

For this edition, new coauthor Sam Sommers guided the creation of the supplements package. Here are the high- lights of the supplements we are pleased to provide:

PRESEnTATIOn TOOLS AnD CLASSROOM ACTIVITIES

• MyPsychLab Video Series for Social Psychology (0205847021) Current and cutting edge, the new MyPsychLab Video Series for social psychology features videos covering the most recent research, science, and applications. Watch clips from ABC’s wildly popular What Would You Do? series and discover how real peo- ple in real-world scenarios bring to life classic concepts in social psychology. The video series is also available to adopters on a DVD. Contact your Pearson representa- tive for more information.

• Social Psychology PowerPoint Collection (0134012348) The PowerPoints provide an active format for presenting concepts from each chapter and incorporating relevant figures and tables. Instructors can choose from three PowerPoint presentations: a lecture presentation set that

This edition of Social Psychology offers a variety of video types includ- ing interviews, as shown here with our lead author Elliot Aronson; news segments; and original lab experiment re-enactments directed by the authors and filmed at Tufts University.

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highlights major topics from the chapters, a highly visu- al lecture presentation set with embedded videos, or a PowerPoint collection of the complete art files from the text. The PowerPoint files can be downloaded from www .pearsonhighered.com.

• Instructor’s Resource Manual (0134012445) The In- structor’s Manual includes key terms, lecture ideas, teaching tips, suggested readings, chapter outlines, stu- dent projects and research assignments, Try It! exercises, critical thinking topics and discussion questions, and a media resource guide. It has been updated for the ninth edition with hyperlinks to ease facilitation of navigation within the IM.

ASSESSMEnT RESOuRCES

• Test Bank (0134012453) Each of the more than 2,000 questions in this test bank is page-referenced to the text and categorized by topic and skill level. Each question in the test bank was reviewed by several instructors to ensure that we are providing you with the best and most accurate content in the industry.

• MyTest Test Bank (0134012437) This Web-based test- generating software provides instructors “best in class” features in an easy-to-use program. Create tests and eas- ily select questions with drag-and-drop or point-and- click functionality. Add or modify test questions using the built-in Question Editor, and print tests in a vari- ety of formats. The program comes with full technical support.

LEARnIng CATALyTICS

• Learning Catalytics™ is an interactive, student-response tool that uses students’ smartphones, tablets, or laptops to engage them in more sophisticated tasks and think- ing. Now included with MyLab & with eText, Learning Catalytics enables you to generate classroom discussion, guide your lecture, and promote peer-to-peer learning with real-time analytics. Instructors, you can:

• Pose a variety of open-ended questions that help your students develop critical thinking skills.

• Monitor responses to find out where students are struggling.

• Use real-time data to adjust your instructional strat- egy and try other ways of engaging your students during class.

• Manage student interactions by automatically group- ing students for discussion, teamwork, and peer-to- peer learning.

Acknowledgments Elliot Aronson is delighted to acknowledge the collabora- tion of Carol Tavris in helping him update this edition. He would also like to acknowledge the contributions of his best friend (who also happens to be his wife of 60 years), Vera Aronson. Vera, as usual, provided inspiration for his ideas and acted as the sounding board for and supportive critic of many of his semiformed notions, helping to mold them into more-sensible analyses.

Tim Wilson would like to thank his graduate mentor, Richard E. Nisbett, who nurtured his interest in the field and showed him the continuity between social psychologi- cal research and everyday life. He also thanks the many stu- dents who have taken his course in social psychology over the years, for asking fascinating questions and providing wonderful examples of social psychological phenomena in their everyday lives. Lastly, he thanks the many graduate students with whom he has had the privilege of working for joining him in the ever-fascinating discovery of new so- cial psychological phenomena.

Robin Akert is beholden to Jonathan Cheek, Julie Don- nelly, Nan Vaida, Melody Tortosa, and Lila McCain for their feedback and advice, and to her family, Michaela and Wayne Akert, and Linda and Jerry Wuichet; their enthu- siasm and boundless support have sustained her on this project as on all the ones before it. Finally, she wishes to ex- press her gratitude to Dane Archer—mentor, colleague, and friend—who opened the world of social psychology to her and who has been her guide ever since.

Sam Sommers would like to acknowledge, first and foremost, the lovely Sommers ladies, Marilyn, Abigail, and Sophia, for being patient with round-the-clock revision ses- sions, for tolerating the constantly expanding mass of pa- pers and books on the floor of the study (he promises to clean them up before work starts on the tenth edition), and for frequently providing excellent real-life examples that illustrate social psychological concepts. He also gives spe- cial thanks to all of his teachers of social psychology, for in- troducing him to the field, for continued support, and for serving as role models as instructors, mentors, researchers, and writers.

No book can be written and published without the help of many people working with the authors behind the scenes, and our book is no exception. We would like to thank the many colleagues who read one or more chapters of this edition and of previous editions of the book.

Reviewers of the Ninth Edition Jim Allen, State University of New York, College at Geneseo; Kathryn Anderson, Our Lady of the Lake University; Anila Bhagavatula, California State University–Long Beach; Amy Bradshaw-Hoppock, Embry-Riddle Aeronautical University; Ngoc Bui, University of La Verne; Bernardo Carducci, Indiana Univer- sity Southeast; Alex Czopp, Western Washington University; Keith Davis, University of South Carolina; Michael Dudley, Southern Illinois University Edwardsville; Heidi English, College of the Siskiyous; Joe Ferrari, DePaul University; Christine Floether, Centenary College; Krista Forrest, University of Nebraska at Kearney; Allen Gorman, Radford University; Jerry Green, Tarrant County College; Dana Greene, University of North Carolina; Donnell Griffin, Davidson County Community College; Lisa Harrison, California State University, Sacramento; Gina Hoover, Ohio State University; Jeffrey Huntsinger, Loyola University Chicago; Alisha Janowsky, University of Central Florida; Bethany Johnson, University of Nebraska–Omaha; Deborah Jones, Columbia University; Suzanne Kieffer, University of Houston; Marvin Lee, Tennessee State Uni- versity; Alexandra Luong, University of Minnesota Duluth; Robyn Mallett, Loyola University Chicago; Brian Meier, Gettysburg College; Andrea Mercurio, Boston University; Lori Nelson, University of Iowa; Darren Petronella, Nassau Community Col- lege; Jennifer Rivers, Elms College; Kari Terzino, Des Moines Area

xiv preface

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Community College; T. Joel Wade, Bucknell University; Angela Walker, Quinnipiac University; Chrysalis Wright, University of Central Florida; Garry Zaslow, Nassau Community College; Jie Zhang, University at Buffalo

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preface xv

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We also thank the wonderful editorial staff of Pearson for their expertise and professionalism, including Dickson Musslewhite (Editorial Director), Diane Szulecki (Program Manager), Lindsey Prudhomme Gill (Product Marketing Manager), Luke Robbins (Editorial Assistant), Christopher Fegan (Digital Product Manager), and Shelly Kupperman (Project Manager). We would especially like to thank Mary Piper Hansen (Developmental Editor), who provided ex- pert guidance with constant good cheer and insight even

through barrages of e-mail exchanges and attachments, and Amber Chow (Executive Editor), whose smart vision for the book, and commitment to making it as good as it can be, have truly made a difference. Finally, we thank Mary Falcon, but for whom we never would have begun this project.

Thank you for inviting us into your classroom. We wel- come your suggestions, and we would be delighted to hear your comments about this book.

xvi preface

Elliot Aronson elliot@cats.ucsc.edu

Tim Wilson tdw@virginia.edu

Robin Akert rakert@wellesley.edu

Sam Sommers sam.sommers@tufts.edu

A01_ARON6544_09_SE_FM.indd 16 28/05/15 1:47 AM

xvii

neat,” they said. “We broke a window and nobody cared!” My friend and I hopped onto our bikes to investigate. We had no trouble finding the house—there it was, sitting off by itself, with a big, jagged hole in a first-floor window. We got off of our bikes and looked around. My friend found a baseball-sized rock lying on the ground and threw a per- fect strike through another first-floor window. There was something exhilarating about the smash-and-tingle of shat- tering glass, especially when we knew there was nothing wrong with what we were doing. After all, the house was abandoned, wasn’t it? We broke nearly every window in the house and then climbed through one of the first-floor windows to look around.

It was then that we realized something was terribly wrong. The house certainly did not look abandoned. There were pictures on the wall, nice furniture, books in shelves. We went home feeling frightened and confused. We soon learned that the house was the home of an elderly couple who were away on vacation. Eventually, my parents dis- covered what we had done and paid a substantial sum to repair the windows. For years, I pondered this incident: Why did I do such a terrible thing? Was I a bad kid? I didn’t think so, and neither did my parents. How, then, could a good kid do such a bad thing? Even though the neighbor- hood kids said the house was abandoned, why couldn’t my friend and I see the clear signs that someone lived there? How crucial was it that my friend was there and threw the first rock? Although I didn’t know it at the time, these re- flections touched on several classic social psychological issues, such as whether only bad people do bad things, whether the social situation can be powerful enough to make good people do bad things, and the way in which our expectations about an event can make it difficult to see it as it really is. Fortunately, my career as a vandal ended with this one incident. It did, however, mark the beginning of my fascination with basic questions about how people understand themselves and the social world—questions I continue to investigate to this day.

Tim Wilson did his undergraduate work at Williams College and Hampshire College and received his PhD from the University of Michigan. Currently Sherrell J. Aston Professor of Psychology at the University of Virginia, he has published numerous articles in the areas of introspection, attitude change, self-knowledge, and affec- tive forecasting, as well as a recent book, Redirect: The Surprising New Science of Psychological Change. His research has received the support of the National Science Foundation and the National Institute for Mental Health. He has been elected twice to the Execu- tive Board of the Society for Experimental Social Psychology and is a Fellow in the American Psychological Society and the Society for Personality and Social Psychology. In 2009, he was named a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. In 2015 he received the William James Fellows Award from the Association for Psycho- logical Science. Wilson has taught the Introduction to Social Psy- chology course at the University of Virginia for more than 30 years. In 2001 he was awarded the University of Virginia All-University Outstanding Teaching Award, and in 2010 was awarded the Uni- versity of Virginia Distinguished Scientist Award.

Elliot Aronson When I was a kid, we were the only Jewish family in a viru- lently anti-Semitic neighborhood. I had to go to Hebrew school every day, late in the afternoon. Being the only youngster in my neighborhood going to Hebrew school made me an easy target for some of the older neighborhood toughs. On my way home from Hebrew school, after dark, I was frequently way- laid and roughed up by roving gangs shouting anti-Semitic epithets.

I have a vivid memory of sitting on a curb after one of these beatings, nursing a bloody nose or a split lip, feel- ing very sorry for myself and wondering how these kids could hate me so much when they didn’t even know me. I thought about whether those kids were taught to hate Jews or whether, somehow, they were born that way. I wondered if their hatred could be changed—if they got to know me better, would they hate me less? I speculated about my own character. What would I have done if the shoe were on the other foot—that is, if I were bigger and stronger than they, would I be capable of beating them up for no good reason?

I didn’t realize it at the time, of course, but eventually I discovered that these were profound questions. And some 30 years later, as an experimental social psychologist, I had the great good fortune to be in a position to answer some of those questions and to invent techniques to reduce the kind of prejudice that had claimed me as a victim.

Social Perception

Social Psychology

Elliot Aronson

University of California, Santa Cruz

Timothy D. Wilson

University of Virginia

Robin M. Akert

Wellesley College

Slides prepared by
Travis Langley, Henderson State University

(A few additional slides prepared by

Weylin Sternglanz and Amanda Mahaffey,

Nova Southeastern University)

7th edition

*

Chapter 4

Social Perception: How We Come to Understand Other People

“Things are seldom as they seem. Skim milk masquerades as cream.”

– W. S. Gilbert

*

Other people are not easy to figure out.

Why are they the way they are?

Why do they do what they do?

We all have a fundamental fascination with explaining other people’s behavior, but all we have to go on is observable behavior:

  • What people do
  • What they say
  • Facial expressions
  • Gestures
  • Tone of voice

We can’t know, truly and completely, who they are and what they mean.

Instead, we rely on our impressions and personal theories, putting them together as well as we can, hoping they will lead to reasonably accurate and useful conclusions.

*

  • This basic aspect of human cognition has been exploited brilliantly by “reality TV” programmers, who cast television shows with real people, not actors, and place them in unusual or even difficult situations. This new genre of television show has proved a powerhouse.
  • Since the original version of Survivor (2000), reality shows have crowded the top ten list of most watched shows every year.
  • Why are these shows so popular with the American public? Because we enjoy figuring people out.

Social Perception

The study of how we form impressions of and make inferences about other people.

Social Perception

*

Nonverbal Behavior

Nonverbal Communication

The way in which people communicate, intentionally or unintentionally, without words.

Nonverbal cues include:

  • facial expressions
  • tone of voice
  • gestures
  • body position/movement
  • the use of touch
  • gaze

*

Nonverbal Behavior

  • We have a special kind of brain cell called mirror neurons.
  • These neurons respond when we perform an action and when we see someone else perform the same action.
  • Mirror neurons appear to be the basis of our ability to feel empathy.
  • For example, when we see someone crying, these mirror neurons fire automatically and involuntarily, just as if we were crying ourselves.

*

  • (Gallese, Fadiga, Fogassi & Rizzolatti, 1996)

Nonverbal Behavior

Nonverbal cues serve many functions in communication.

  • You can express “I’m angry” by narrowing your eyes, lowering your eyebrows, and setting your mouth in a thin, straight line.
  • You can convey the attitude “I like you” with smiles and extended eye contact.
  • And you communicate your personality traits, like being an extrovert, with broad gestures and frequent changes in voice pitch and inflection.

*

  • (Knapp & Hall, 2006)

Nonverbal Behavior

Some nonverbal cues actually contradict the spoken words.

  • Communicating sarcasm is the classic example of verbal-nonverbal contradiction.
  • Think about how you’d say “I’m so happy for you” sarcastically.

*

  • (DePaulo, 1992; Knapp & Hall, 2006))
  • Nonverbal cues can also substitute for the verbal message. Hand gestures such as flashing the “OK” sign or drawing a finger across your throat convey clear messages without any words at all (Ekman, 1965).

Facial Expressions of Emotion

Are facial expressions of emotion universal?

The answer is yes, for the six major emotional expressions: anger, happiness, surprise, fear, disgust, and sadness.

All humans encode or express these “six basic emotions” in the same way, and all humans can decode or interpret them with equal accuracy.

*

  • Darwin (1872) argued that such facial expressions then acquired evolutionary significance; being able to communicate such emotional states (e.g., the feeling of disgust, not for food but for another person or a situation) had survival value for the developing species (Hansen & Hansen, 1988; Izard, 1994; McArthur & Baron, 1983).

Facial Expressions of Emotion

  • Paul Ekman (www.paulekman.com) and others have conducted numerous studies indicating that the ability to interpret at least the six basic emotions is cross-cultural—part of being human and not a product of people’s cultural experience.
  • How did Ekman do this? He and Walter Friesen traveled to New Guinea in 1971, where they studied the nonverbal decoding ability of the South Fore, a preliterate tribe that had no contact with Western civilization. South Fore tribe members could accurately decode the six basic emotions when they were expressed by Westerners in photographs. (Westerners could do the same with photos of South Fore members.)

*

  • Ekman and Friesen (1971) traveled to New Guinea, where they studied the decoding ability of the South Fore, a preliterate tribe that had had no contact with Western civilization. They told the Fore people brief stories with emotional content and then showed them photographs of American men and women expressing the six emotions; the Fore’s job was to match the facial expressions of emotion to the stories. They were as accurate as Western subjects had been.
  • (Biehl et al., 1997; Ekman, 1993, 1994; Ekman et al., 1987; Elfenbein & Ambady, 2002; Izard, 1994)

Facial Expressions of Emotion

  • These photographs depict facial expressions of the six basic universal emotions (happiness, surprise, fear, sadness, anger, and disgust).

*

  • Ekman and Friesen (1971) traveled to New Guinea, where they studied the decoding ability of the South Fore, a preliterate tribe that had had no contact with Western civilization. They told the Fore people brief stories with emotional content and then showed them photographs of American men and women expressing the six emotions; the Fore’s job was to match the facial expressions of emotion to the stories. They were as accurate as Western subjects had been.
  • (Biehl et al., 1997; Ekman, 1993, 1994; Ekman et al., 1987; Elfenbein & Ambady, 2002; Izard, 1994)

Facial Expressions of Emotion

  • Other emotions such as guilt, shame, embarrassment, and pride occur later in human development and show less universality.
  • These latter emotions are closely tied to social interaction.
  • Some researchers contend that contempt is a 7th universally recognized emotion.

*

  • The six major emotions are also the first to appear in human development. Children as young as six months to a year express these emotions with the facial expressions we associate with adults. This is true as well for young children who have been blind from birth; they are able to encode the basic emotions even though they have never seen them displayed by adults (Eibl-Eibesfeldt, 1975; Galati, Miceli & Sini, 2001).

Facial Expressions of Emotion

Decoding facial expressions accurately is more complicated than we have indicated, for three reasons.

Affect blends occur when one part of the face registers one emotion and another part of the face registers a different emotion.

At times people try to appear less emotional than they are, so that no one will know how they really feel.

A third reason why decoding facial expressions can be inaccurate has to do with culture.

*

  • By suppressing your emotional response, you are not giving your tormentor the satisfaction of knowing he or she has upset you. Psychologists have studied what happens when people suppress their negative facial expressions; their results present an interesting cautionary tale (Gross 1998; Gross & Levenson, 1993, 1997).

Culture and the Channels
of Nonverbal Communication

Display rules are particular to each culture and dictate what kinds of emotional expressions people are supposed to show.

*

  • For decades, Paul Ekman and his colleagues have studied the influence of culture on the facial display of emotions (Ekman & Davidson, 1994; Ekman & Friesen, 1969; Matsumoto & Ekman, 1989; Matsumoto & Kudoh, 1993). They have concluded that display rules are particular to each culture and dictate what kinds of emotional expressions people are supposed to show.

Examples of display rule differences:

  • American cultural norms discourage emotional displays in men, such as grief or crying, but allow the facial display of such emotions in women.
  • Japanese women will often hide a wide smile behind their hands, whereas Western women are allowed—indeed, encouraged—to smile broadly and often.
  • Japanese norms lead people to cover up negative facial expressions with smiles and laughter and to display fewer facial expressions in general than is true in the West.

Culture and the Channels
of Nonverbal Communication

*

  • (Henley, 1977; La France, Hecht, & Paluck, 2003)
  • (Argyle, 1986; Aune & Aune, 1996; Gudykunst, Ting-Toomey, & Nishida, 1996; Richmond & McCroskey, 1995)
  • Members of American culture become suspicious when a person doesn’t “look them in the eye” while speaking, and they find talking to someone who is wearing dark sunglasses quite disconcerting.
  • Cultures vary greatly in what is considered normative use of personal space. Most Americans like to have a bubble of open space, a few feet in radius, surrounding them; in comparison, in some other cultures, strangers think nothing of standing right next to each other, to the point of touching.

Culture and the Channels
of Nonverbal Communication

*

  • (Hall, 1969)

The important point about emblems is that they are not universal.

Each culture has devised its own emblems, and these need not be understandable to people from other cultures.

Emblems

Nonverbal gestures that have well-understood definitions within a given culture; they usually have direct verbal translations, like the “OK” sign.

President George H. W. Bush once used the “V for victory” sign, but he did it backward—the palm of his hand was facing him instead of the audience. Unfortunately, he flashed this gesture to a large crowd in Australia—and in Australia, this emblem is the equivalent of “flipping the bird”!

Culture and the Channels
of Nonverbal Communication

*

  • (Archer, 1997a)

Multichannel Nonverbal Communication

  • Because nonverbal information is diffused across these many channels, we often rely on multiple channels to understand what is going on.
  • This increases our ability to make accurate judgments about others.

*

  • Except for certain specific situations, such as talking on the telephone, everyday life is made up of multichannel nonverbal social interaction.
  • Typically, many nonverbal cues are available to us when we talk to or observe other people.
  • How do we use this information?
  • And how accurately do we use it?

Multichannel Nonverbal Communication

*

  • (Archer & Akert, 1998; Rosenthal, Hall, Di Matteo, Rogers, & Archer, 1979)

Gender and Nonverbal Communication

  • In general, women are much better at encoding (or “sending”) and decoding (or “judging”) nonverbal cues (Hall, 1979, 1984).
  • One exception is that women are not more accurate than men at detecting deception. Rosenthal and DePaulo (1979) found that women lost their advantage at decoding nonverbal cues for those cues that the sender did not mean to encode. They concluded that women are more “nonverbally accommodating” than men (on average).

*

  • Many studies have found that women are better at both decoding and encoding (Hall, 1979, 1984; Rosenthal & De Paulo, 1979).
  • Social role theory of sex differences suggests that this is because women have learned different skills, and one is to be polite and overlook lying.
  • Given that women are generally superior decoders, why do they lose their advantage when faced with deceit? It may be because women are more polite than men. While women have the ability to decode nonverbal cues of lying, they tend to turn off this skill in the face of deception, in polite deference to the speaker (Rosenthal & De Paulo, 1979).

Gender and Nonverbal Communication

*

According to Alice Eagly’s social role theory, most societies have a division of labor based on gender:

  • Men work in jobs outside the home.
  • Women work within the home.

Gender and Nonverbal Communication

*

  • Alice Eagly (1987)

This division of labor has important consequences.

  • First, gender-role expectations arise:

Members of the society expect men and women to have certain attributes that are consistent with their role. Thus women are expected to be more nurturing, friendly, expressive, and sensitive than men because of their primary role as caregivers to children and elderly family members.

Gender and Nonverbal Communication

*

  • (Eagly & Karau, 2002).

This division of labor has important consequences.

  • Second, men and women develop different sets of skills and attitudes, based on their experiences in their gender roles.

Gender and Nonverbal Communication

*

  • (Barrett, Lane, Sechrest, & Schwartz, 2000)

This division of labor has important consequences.

  • Second, men and women develop different sets of skills and attitudes, based on their experiences in their gender roles.
  • Finally, because women are less powerful in many societies and less likely to occupy roles of higher status, it becomes more important for women to learn to be accommodating and polite than it is for men.

Gender and Nonverbal Communication

*

  • (Deaux & Major, 1987; Henley, 1977)
  • According to Eagly (1987), gender- role expectations and sex-typed skills combine to produce sex differences in social behavior, such as the differences in nonverbal behavior we just discussed.
  • This is exactly what Judith Hall (1979) found in her cross-cultural study of nonverbal behavior .

Implicit Personality Theories:
Filling in the Blanks

  • To understand other people, we observe their behavior but we also infer their feelings, traits, and motives.
  • To do so, we use general notions or schemas about which personality traits go together in one person.

*

  • A schema is a mental shortcut: When all we have is a small amount of information, our schemas provide additional information to fill in the gaps (Fiske & Taylor, 1991; Markus & Zajonc, 1985).
  • Thus when we are trying to understand other people, we can use just a few observations of a person as a starting point and then, using our schemas, create a much fuller understanding (Dweck, Chiu, & Hong, 1995; Kim & Rosenberg, 1980).
  • Schemas allow us to form impressions quickly, without having to spend weeks with people to figure out what they are like.

Implicit Personality Theory

A type of schema people use to group various kinds of personality traits together; for example, many people believe that someone who is kind is generous as well.

  • If someone is kind, our implicit personality theory tells us he or she is probably generous as well.
  • Similarly, we assume that a stingy person is also irritable.

Implicit Personality Theories:
Filling in the Blanks

*

  • (Asch, 1946; Schneider, 1973; Sedikides & Anderson, 1994; Werth & Foerster, 2002)

But relying on schemas can also lead us astray.

  • We might make the wrong assumptions about an individual.
  • We might even resort to stereotypical thinking, where our schema, or stereotype, leads us to believe that the individual is like all the other members of his or her group.

Implicit Personality Theories:
Filling in the Blanks

*

Culture and Implicit
Personality Theories

These general notions, or schemas, are shared by people in a culture, and are passed from one generation to another.

*

  • Like other beliefs, implicit personality theories are passed from generation to generation in a society, and one culture’s implicit personality theory may be very different from another’s (Anderson, 1995; Chiu, Morris, Hong, & Menon, 2000; Cousins, 1989; Vonk, 1995).

Culture and Implicit
Personality Theories

A strong implicit personality theory in this culture involves physical attractiveness. We presume that “what is beautiful is good”—that people with physical beauty will also have a whole host of other wonderful qualities.

*

  • (Dion, Berscheid, & Walster, 1972; Eagly, Ashmore, Makhijani, & Longo, 1991; Jackson, Hunter, & Hodge, 1995)

Culture and Implicit
Personality Theories

In China, one example of an implicit personality theory describes a person who embodies traditional Chinese values: creating and maintaining interpersonal harmony, inner harmony, and ren qin (a focus on relationships).

*

  • (Cheung et al., 1996)

Culture and Implicit
Personality Theories

In Western cultures, saying someone has an “artistic personality” implies that the person is creative, intense, and temperamental and has an unconventional lifestyle.

The Chinese, however, do not have a schema or implicit personality theory for an “artistic type.”

*

Culture and Implicit
Personality Theories

Conversely, in China, there are categories of personality that do not exist in Western cultures.

For example, a “shi gú” person is someone who is worldly, devoted to his or her family, socially skillful, and somewhat reserved. People in Western cultures do not recognize these as traits that “go together.”

*

Causal Attribution:
Answering the “Why” Question

If an acquaintance says, “It’s great to see you!” does she really mean it?

The point is that even though nonverbal communication is sometimes easy to decode and our implicit personality theories can streamline the way we form impressions, there is still substantial ambiguity as to what a person’s behavior really means.

  • Perhaps she is acting more thrilled than she really feels, out of politeness.
  • Perhaps she is outright lying and really can’t stand you!

*

  • (De Paulo, 1992; De Paulo, Stone, & Lassiter, 1985; Schneider, Hastorf, & Ellsworth, 1979)

Causal Attribution:
Answering the “Why” Question

According to attribution theory, we try to determine why people do what they do in order to uncover the feelings and traits that are behind their actions.

This helps us understand and predict our social world.

*

  • Why did that acquaintance behave as she did? To answer this “why” question, we will use our immediate observations to form more elegant and complex inferences about what people are really like and what motivates them to act as they do.
  • How we go about answering these questions is the focus of attribution theory, the study of how we infer the causes of other people’s behavior.

The Nature of the Attribution Process

Fritz Heider (1958) is frequently referred to as the father of attribution theory.

Heider discussed what he called “naive” or “commonsense” psychology.

In his view, people were like amateur scientists, trying to understand other people’s behavior by piecing together information until they arrived at a reasonable explanation or cause.

Heider was intrigued by what seemed reasonable to people and by how they arrived at their conclusions.

*

  • His influential book defined the field of social perception, and his legacy is still very much evident in current research (Gilbert, 1998a; Ross, 1998).

The Nature of the Attribution Process

When trying to decide what causes people’s behavior, we can make one of two attributions:

  • An internal, dispositional attribution or
  • An external, situational attribution.

*

  • One of Heider’s most valuable contributions is a simple dichotomy: When trying to decide why people behave as they do—for example, why a father has just yelled at his young daughter—we can make one of two attributions. One option is to make an internal attribution, deciding that the cause of the father’s behavior was something about him—his disposition, personality, attitudes, or character—an explanation that assigns the causes of his behavior internally. For example, we might decide that the father has poor parenting skills and disciplines his child in inappropriate ways. Alternatively, we might make an external attribution, deciding that something in the situation, not in the father’s personality or attitudes, caused his behavior. If we conclude that he yelled because his daughter had just stepped into the street without looking, we would be making an external attribution for his behavior.

Internal Attribution:

The inference that a person is behaving in a certain way because of something about the person, such as his/her attitude, character, or personality.

External Attribution:

The inference that a person is behaving a certain way because of something about the situation he or she is in.

The assumption is that most people would respond the same way in that situation.

*

The Nature of the Attribution Process

Satisfied spouses tend to show one pattern:

  • Internal attributions for their partners’ positive behaviors (e.g., “She helped me because she’s such a generous person”).
  • External attributions for their partners’ negative behaviors (e.g., “He said something mean because he’s so stressed at work this week”).

In contrast, spouses in distressed marriages tend to display the opposite pattern:

  • Their partners’ positive behaviors are chalked up to external causes (e.g., “She helped me because she wanted to impress our friends”).
  • Negative behaviors are attributed to internal causes (e.g., “He said something mean because he’s a totally self-centered jerk”).

*

  • When an intimate relationship becomes troubled, this second pattern of attributions about one’s partner only makes the situation worse and can have dire consequences for the health and future of the relationship (Bradbury & Fincham, 1991; Fincham, Bradbury, Arias, Byrne, & Karney, 1997; Karney & Bradbury, 2000).

The Nature of the Attribution Process

Although either type of attribution is always possible, Heider (1958) noted that we tend to see the causes of a person’s behavior as residing in that person (internal explanation).

  • We are perceptually focused on people—they are who we notice.
  • The situation (the external explanation), which is often hard to see and hard to describe, may be overlooked.

*

  • (Bargh, 1994; Fletcher, Reeder, & Bull, 1990; Gilbert, 1998b; Jones, 1979, 1990; Jones & Davis, 1965; Miller, 1998)

The Covariation Model:
Internal versus External Attributions

Harold Kelley’s major contribution to attribution theory was the idea that we notice and think about more than one piece of information when we form an impression of another person.

Covariation Model

A theory that states that to form an attribution about what caused a person’s behavior, we systematically note the pattern between the presence or absence of possible causal factors and whether or not the behavior occurs.

*

  • Kelley (1967, 1973)

The Covariation Model:
Internal versus External Attributions

The covariation model focuses on observations of behavior across time, place, actors, and targets.

It examines how the perceiver chooses either an internal or an external attribution.

We make such choices by using information on:

  • Consensus,
  • Distinctiveness,
  • Consistency.

*

  • Kelley, like Heider before him, assumes that when we are in the process of forming an attribution, we gather information, or data.
  • The data we use, according to Kelley, are how a person’s behavior “covaries” or changes across time, place, different actors, and different targets of the behavior.
  • By discovering covariation in people’s behavior (e.g., your friend refuses to lend you her car; she agrees to lend it to others), you are able to reach a judgment about what caused their behavior.

Consensus Information

Information about the extent to which other people behave the same way toward the same stimulus as the actor does.

Distinctiveness Information

Information about the extent to which one particular actor behaves in the same way to different stimuli.

Consistency Information

Information about the extent to which the behavior between one actor and one stimulus is the same across time and circumstances.

*

The Correspondence Bias:
People as Personality Psychologists

Specific errors or biases plague the attribution process.

One common shortcut is the correspondence bias:

the tendency to believe that people’s behavior matches (corresponds to) their dispositions.

*

  • (Fiske & Taylor, 1991; Gilbert, 1998b; Gilbert & Jones, 1986; Gilbert & Malone, 1995; Jones, 1979, 1990)

The Correspondence Bias:
People as Personality Psychologists

  • The pervasive, fundamental theory or schema most of us have about human behavior is that people do what they do because of the kind of people they are, not because of the situation they are in.
  • When thinking this way, we are more like personality psychologists, who see behavior as stemming from internal dispositions and traits, than like social psychologists, who focus on the impact of social situations on behavior.

*

The Correspondence Bias:
People as Personality Psychologists

The correspondence bias is so pervasive that many social psychologists call it the fundamental attribution error.

*

  • (Heider, 1958; Jones, 1990; Ross, 1977; Ross & Nisbett, 1991)

The Correspondence Bias:
People as Personality Psychologists

One reason is that when we try to explain someone’s behavior, our focus of attention is usually on the person, not on the surrounding situation.

If we don’t know someone got an “F” on a test earlier in the day, we can’t use that situational information to help us understand her current behavior.

And even when we know her situation, we still don’t know how she interprets it.

The “F” may not have upset her if she’s planning to drop the course anyway.

*

  • (Baron & Misovich, 1993; Heider, 1944, 1958; Jones & Nisbett, 1972)
  • (Gilbert, 1998b; Gilbert & Malone, 1995)

The Correspondence Bias:
People as Personality Psychologists

We can’t see the situation, so we ignore its importance.

People, not the situation, have perceptual salience for us.

We pay attention to them, and we tend to think that they alone cause their behavior.

Perceptual Salience

The seeming importance of information that is the focus of people’s attention.

*

The Correspondence Bias:
People as Personality Psychologists

The culprit is one of the mental shortcuts we discussed in chapter 3: the anchoring and adjustment heuristic.

The correspondence bias is another byproduct of this shortcut.

When making attributions, people use the focus of their attention as a starting point.

*

The Two-Step Process

In sum, we go through a two-step process when we make attributions.

First, we make an internal attribution; we assume that a person’s behavior was due to something about that person.

Then we attempt to adjust this attribution by considering the situation the person was in. But we often don’t make enough of an adjustment in this second step.

*

  • (Gilbert, 1989, 1991, 1993; Krull, 1993)

Copyright © 2010 Pearson Education. All rights reserved.

*

The Two-Step Process

In sum, we go through a two-step process when we make attributions.

First, we make an internal attribution; we assume that a person’s behavior was due to something about that person.

Then we attempt to adjust this attribution by considering the situation the person was in. But we often don’t make enough of an adjustment in this second step.

Why? Because the first step occurs quickly and spontaneously whereas the second step requires more effort and conscious attention.

*

  • (Gilbert, 1989, 1991, 1993; Krull, 1993)

The Two-Step Process

We will engage in the second step of attributional processing if we:

  • Consciously slow down and think carefully before reaching a judgment,
  • Are motivated to reach as accurate a judgment as possible, or
  • Are suspicious about the behavior of the target person (e.g., we suspect lying).

*

  • (Burger, 1991; Fein, 1996; Hilton, Fein, & Miller, 1993; Webster, 1993)

Copyright © 2010 Pearson Education. All rights reserved.

Adapted from Taylor & Fiske, 1975.

*

This is the seating arrangement for two actors and the six research participants in the Taylor & Fiske study. People rated the actor they could see more clearly as having the larger role in the conversation.

Copyright © 2010 Pearson Education. All rights reserved.

Adapted from Taylor & Fiske, 1975.

*

These are the ratings of each actor’s perceived causal role in the conversation (adapted from Taylor & Fiske, 1975).

Culture and the Correspondence Bias

For decades, it was taken for granted that the correspondence bias was universal:

People everywhere, we thought, applied this cognitive shortcut when forming attributions.

*

  • (Norenzayan, Choi, & Nisbett, 1999)

People from individualistic and collectivistic cultures do both demonstrate the correspondence bias.

However, members of collectivist cultures are more sensitive to situational causes of behavior and more likely to rely on situational explanations, as long as situational variables are salient.

Culture and the Correspondence Bias

*

North American and some other Western cultures stress individual autonomy. A person is perceived as independent and self-contained; his or her behavior reflects internal traits, motives, and values.

In contrast, East Asian cultures such as those in China, Japan, and Korea stress group autonomy. The individual derives his or her sense of self from the social group to which he or she belongs.

Culture and the Correspondence Bias

*

  • (Markus & Kitayama, 1991; Menon et al., 1999, p. 703)

It would be a mistake to think that members of collectivist cultures don’t make dispositional attributions.

They do—it’s just a matter of degree. They do it a little less than people in individualist cultures.

Culture and the Correspondence Bias

*

  • Recent research indicates that a tendency to think dispositionally about others—the correspondence bias—appears in many cultures.
  • However, members of collectivistic cultures are more aware of how the situation affects behavior and more likely to take situational effects into account (Choi, Dalal, Kim-Prieto, & Park, 2003; Choi & Nisbett, 1998; Choi, Nisbett, & Norenzayan, 1999; Krull et al., 1999; Miyamoto & Kitayama, 2002).

The Actor/Observer Difference

The actor-observer difference is an amplification of the correspondence bias:

We tend to see other people’s behavior as dispositionally caused, while we are more likely to see our own behavior as situationally caused.

The effect occurs because perceptual salience and information availability differ for the actor and the observer.

*

  • (Jones & Nisbett, 1972; Hansen, Kimble, & Biers, 2001; Nisbett, Caputo, Legant, & Marecek, 1973; Robins, Spranka, & Mendelson, 1996; Watson, 1982)

The Actor/Observer Difference

Actors have more information about themselves than observers do.

Actors know how they’ve behaved over the years; they know what happened to them that morning.

They are far more aware than observers are of both the similarities and the differences in their behavior over time and across situations terms, actors have far more consistency and distinctiveness information about themselves than observers do.

*

  • (Greenwald & Banaji, 1989; Jones & Nisbett, 1972; Krueger, Ham, & Linford, 1996; Malle & Knobe, 1997)

The Actor/Observer Difference

For example: Let’s say that you saw someone slip on a banana peel. What attribution might you make? Probably that he was clumsy. But let’s say that you slipped on a banana peel. Wouldn’t you be more likely to make an attribution about the situation in that case?

*

  • (Greenwald & Banaji, 1989; Jones & Nisbett, 1972; Krueger, Ham, & Linford, 1996; Malle & Knobe, 1997)

Self-Serving Attributions

Self-Serving Attributions

Explanations for one’s successes that credit internal, dispositional factors and explanations for one’s failures that blame external, situational factors.

Defensive Attributions

Explanations for behavior that avoid feelings of vulnerability and mortality.

Copyright © 2010 Pearson Education. All rights reserved.

*

Self-Serving Attributions

Why do we make self-serving attributions?

  • Most people try to maintain their self-esteem whenever possible, even if that means distorting reality by changing a thought or belief.
  • We are particularly likely to engage in self-serving attributions when we fail at something and we feel we can’t improve at it.
  • The external attribution truly protects our self-esteem, as there is little hope we can do better in the future.
  • But if we believe we can improve, we’re more likely to attribute our current failure to internal causes and then work on improving.

*

  • (Duval & Silvia, 2002)

Self-Serving Attributions

Why do we make self-serving attributions?

  • Most people try to maintain their self-esteem whenever possible, even if that means distorting reality by changing a thought or belief.
  • We want people to think well of us and to admire us. Telling others that our poor performance was due to some external cause puts a “good face” on failure; many people call this strategy “making excuses.”

*

  • (Greenberg et al., 1982; Tetlock, 1981; Weary & Arkin, 1981)

Self-Serving Attributions

Why do we make self-serving attributions?

Most people try to maintain their self-esteem whenever possible, even if that means distorting reality by changing a thought or belief.

We want people to think well of us and to admire us. Telling others that our poor performance was due to some external cause puts a “good face” on failure; many people call this strategy “making excuses.”

We know more about our own efforts than we do about other people’s.

*

  • Let’s imagine the attributional process of another student in the chemistry class, Ron, who did poorly on the midterm. Ron knows that he studied very hard for the midterm, that he typically does well on chemistry tests, and that in general he is a very good student. The D on the chemistry midterm comes as a surprise. The most logical attribution Ron can make is that the test was unfair—the D grade wasn’t due to a lack of ability or effort. The professor, however, knows that some students did well on the test; given the information that is available to the professor, it is logical for him to conclude that Ron, and not the fact that it was a difficult test, was responsible for the poor grade (Miller & Ross, 1975; Nisbett & Ross, 1980).

Self-Serving Attributions

  • One form of defensive attribution is to believe that bad things happen only to bad people or at least, only to people who make stupid mistakes or poor choices.
  • Therefore, bad things won’t happen to us because we won’t be that stupid or careless.
  • Melvin Lerner called this the belief in a just world—the assumption that people get what they deserve and deserve what they get.

*

  • Lerner (1980; 1998)
  • (Hafer, 2000; Hafer & Begue, 2005; Lipkus, Dalbert, & Siegler, 1996)

Self-Serving Attributions

The just world belief has unfortunate consequences:

  • Victims of crimes or accidents are often seen as causing their own fate.
  • People tend to believe that rape victims are to blame for the rape.
  • Battered wives are often seen as responsible for their abusive husbands’ actions.

*

  • Not only do people tend to believe that rape victims are to blame for the rape (Abrams, Viki, Masser, & Bohner, 2003; Bell, Kuriloff, & Lottes, 1994), but battered wives are often seen as responsible for their abusive husbands’ behavior (Summers & Feldman, 1984).

Self-Serving Attributions

Example of a self-serving attribution:

Please rate your sense of humor on a scale from “1” (very poor sense of humor) to “9” (excellent sense of humor) now. Then read below.

——

In any large group of people, you will find most people rate themselves above the midpoint (which would be “5”). In other words, the average person thinks he/she is better than average; this is true with sense of humor, or intelligence, or almost any other positive trait. This is also known as the “better-than-average” effect.

*

Culture and Other
Attributional Biases

There is some evidence for cross-cultural differences in the Actor-Observer Effect and in Self-Serving and Defensive Attributions.

Typically, the difference occurs between Western, individualistic cultures and Eastern, collectivistic cultures.

*

How Accurate Are Our Attributions and Impressions?

Our impressions are sometimes wrong because of the mental shortcuts we use when forming social judgments.

To improve the accuracy of your attributions, remember that the mental shortcuts we use, such as the correspondence bias, can lead us to the wrong conclusions sometimes.

Even with such biases operating, we are quite accurate perceivers of other people.

We do very well most of the time.

In fact, most of us are more accurate than we realize.

*

  • (Funder, 1995; Kenny, Albright, Malloy, & Kashy, 1994).
  • (Ambady, Bernieri, & Richeson, 2000; Archer & Akert, 1980; Costanzo & Archer, 1989)

In conclusion:

We are capable of making both stunningly accurate assessments of people and horrific attributional mistakes.

Chapter 4 Websites to Explore

  • Websites of famous nonverbal communication researchers:
  • http://www.paulekman.com/
  • http://www.belladepaulo.com/deception.htm
  • http://nonverbal.ucsc.edu/
  • http://www.port.ac.uk/departments/academic/psychology/staff/title,50475,en.html
  • http://www.rap.ucr.edu/
  • http://campus.usal.es/~nonverbal/researchers.htm
  • http://euphrates.wpunj.edu/faculty/wagnerk/webagogy/hecht.htm
  • Website for nonverbal communication research taking place here at NSU:
  • http://www.nova.edu/~sterngla/research.html
  • Microexpressions tutorial from the FOX-TV show “Lie to Me” (based very loosely on Ekman’s research — but not everything in the show is scientifically accurate):
  • http://www.hulu.com/watch/53632/lie-to-me-expressions—introduction
  • Interesting nonverbal communication journal articles:
  • http://www.belladepaulo.com/deceptionpubs.htm
  • http://www.paulekman.com/publications/journal-articles-book-chapters/
  • http://www.port.ac.uk/departments/academic/psychology/staff/downloads/filetodownload,113333,en.pdf
  • http://www.springerlink.com/content/v7l182w3083688w8/
  • Interesting demonstration of the fundamental attribution error:
  • http://courses.ttu.edu/hdfs3390-reifman/deandemo.htm

Chapter 4 Discussion

  • To what extent is nonverbal communication universal, and to what extent is nonverbal communication culturally based?
  • Please be specific. You can choose to discuss any aspect of nonverbal communication (including communication of various emotions, deception, etc.)

*

*

*

  • This basic aspect of human cognition has been exploited brilliantly by “reality TV” programmers, who cast television shows with real people, not actors, and place them in unusual or even difficult situations. This new genre of television show has proved a powerhouse.
  • Since the original version of Survivor (2000), reality shows have crowded the top ten list of most watched shows every year.
  • Why are these shows so popular with the American public? Because we enjoy figuring people out.

*

*

*

  • (Gallese, Fadiga, Fogassi & Rizzolatti, 1996)

*

  • (Knapp & Hall, 2006)

*

  • (DePaulo, 1992; Knapp & Hall, 2006))
  • Nonverbal cues can also substitute for the verbal message. Hand gestures such as flashing the “OK” sign or drawing a finger across your throat convey clear messages without any words at all (Ekman, 1965).

*

  • Darwin (1872) argued that such facial expressions then acquired evolutionary significance; being able to communicate such emotional states (e.g., the feeling of disgust, not for food but for another person or a situation) had survival value for the developing species (Hansen & Hansen, 1988; Izard, 1994; McArthur & Baron, 1983).

*

  • Ekman and Friesen (1971) traveled to New Guinea, where they studied the decoding ability of the South Fore, a preliterate tribe that had had no contact with Western civilization. They told the Fore people brief stories with emotional content and then showed them photographs of American men and women expressing the six emotions; the Fore’s job was to match the facial expressions of emotion to the stories. They were as accurate as Western subjects had been.
  • (Biehl et al., 1997; Ekman, 1993, 1994; Ekman et al., 1987; Elfenbein & Ambady, 2002; Izard, 1994)

*

  • Ekman and Friesen (1971) traveled to New Guinea, where they studied the decoding ability of the South Fore, a preliterate tribe that had had no contact with Western civilization. They told the Fore people brief stories with emotional content and then showed them photographs of American men and women expressing the six emotions; the Fore’s job was to match the facial expressions of emotion to the stories. They were as accurate as Western subjects had been.
  • (Biehl et al., 1997; Ekman, 1993, 1994; Ekman et al., 1987; Elfenbein & Ambady, 2002; Izard, 1994)

*

  • The six major emotions are also the first to appear in human development. Children as young as six months to a year express these emotions with the facial expressions we associate with adults. This is true as well for young children who have been blind from birth; they are able to encode the basic emotions even though they have never seen them displayed by adults (Eibl-Eibesfeldt, 1975; Galati, Miceli & Sini, 2001).

*

  • By suppressing your emotional response, you are not giving your tormentor the satisfaction of knowing he or she has upset you. Psychologists have studied what happens when people suppress their negative facial expressions; their results present an interesting cautionary tale (Gross 1998; Gross & Levenson, 1993, 1997).

*

  • For decades, Paul Ekman and his colleagues have studied the influence of culture on the facial display of emotions (Ekman & Davidson, 1994; Ekman & Friesen, 1969; Matsumoto & Ekman, 1989; Matsumoto & Kudoh, 1993). They have concluded that display rules are particular to each culture and dictate what kinds of emotional expressions people are supposed to show.

*

  • (Henley, 1977; La France, Hecht, & Paluck, 2003)
  • (Argyle, 1986; Aune & Aune, 1996; Gudykunst, Ting-Toomey, & Nishida, 1996; Richmond & McCroskey, 1995)

*

  • (Hall, 1969)

*

  • (Archer, 1997a)

*

*

  • (Archer & Akert, 1998; Rosenthal, Hall, Di Matteo, Rogers, & Archer, 1979)

*

  • Many studies have found that women are better at both decoding and encoding (Hall, 1979, 1984; Rosenthal & De Paulo, 1979).

*

*

  • Alice Eagly (1987)

*

  • (Eagly & Karau, 2002).

*

  • (Barrett, Lane, Sechrest, & Schwartz, 2000)

*

  • (Deaux & Major, 1987; Henley, 1977)
  • According to Eagly (1987), gender- role expectations and sex-typed skills combine to produce sex differences in social behavior, such as the differences in nonverbal behavior we just discussed.
  • This is exactly what Judith Hall (1979) found in her cross-cultural study of nonverbal behavior .

*

  • A schema is a mental shortcut: When all we have is a small amount of information, our schemas provide additional information to fill in the gaps (Fiske & Taylor, 1991; Markus & Zajonc, 1985).
  • Thus when we are trying to understand other people, we can use just a few observations of a person as a starting point and then, using our schemas, create a much fuller understanding (Dweck, Chiu, & Hong, 1995; Kim & Rosenberg, 1980).
  • Schemas allow us to form impressions quickly, without having to spend weeks with people to figure out what they are like.

*

  • (Asch, 1946; Schneider, 1973; Sedikides & Anderson, 1994; Werth & Foerster, 2002)

*

*

  • Like other beliefs, implicit personality theories are passed from generation to generation in a society, and one culture’s implicit personality theory may be very different from another’s (Anderson, 1995; Chiu, Morris, Hong, & Menon, 2000; Cousins, 1989; Vonk, 1995).

*

  • (Dion, Berscheid, & Walster, 1972; Eagly, Ashmore, Makhijani, & Longo, 1991; Jackson, Hunter, & Hodge, 1995)

*

  • (Cheung et al., 1996)

*

*

*

  • (De Paulo, 1992; De Paulo, Stone, & Lassiter, 1985; Schneider, Hastorf, & Ellsworth, 1979)

*

  • Why did that acquaintance behave as she did? To answer this “why” question, we will use our immediate observations to form more elegant and complex inferences about what people are really like and what motivates them to act as they do.
  • How we go about answering these questions is the focus of attribution theory, the study of how we infer the causes of other people’s behavior.

*

  • His influential book defined the field of social perception, and his legacy is still very much evident in current research (Gilbert, 1998a; Ross, 1998).

*

  • One of Heider’s most valuable contributions is a simple dichotomy: When trying to decide why people behave as they do—for example, why a father has just yelled at his young daughter—we can make one of two attributions. One option is to make an internal attribution, deciding that the cause of the father’s behavior was something about him—his disposition, personality, attitudes, or character—an explanation that assigns the causes of his behavior internally. For example, we might decide that the father has poor parenting skills and disciplines his child in inappropriate ways. Alternatively, we might make an external attribution, deciding that something in the situation, not in the father’s personality or attitudes, caused his behavior. If we conclude that he yelled because his daughter had just stepped into the street without looking, we would be making an external attribution for his behavior.

*

*

  • When an intimate relationship becomes troubled, this second pattern of attributions about one’s partner only makes the situation worse and can have dire consequences for the health and future of the relationship (Bradbury & Fincham, 1991; Fincham, Bradbury, Arias, Byrne, & Karney, 1997; Karney & Bradbury, 2000).

*

  • (Bargh, 1994; Fletcher, Reeder, & Bull, 1990; Gilbert, 1998b; Jones, 1979, 1990; Jones & Davis, 1965; Miller, 1998)

*

  • Kelley (1967, 1973)

*

  • Kelley, like Heider before him, assumes that when we are in the process of forming an attribution, we gather information, or data.
  • The data we use, according to Kelley, are how a person’s behavior “covaries” or changes across time, place, different actors, and different targets of the behavior.
  • By discovering covariation in people’s behavior (e.g., your friend refuses to lend you her car; she agrees to lend it to others), you are able to reach a judgment about what caused their behavior.

*

*

  • (Fiske & Taylor, 1991; Gilbert, 1998b; Gilbert & Jones, 1986; Gilbert & Malone, 1995; Jones, 1979, 1990)

*

*

  • (Heider, 1958; Jones, 1990; Ross, 1977; Ross & Nisbett, 1991)

*

  • (Baron & Misovich, 1993; Heider, 1944, 1958; Jones & Nisbett, 1972)
  • (Gilbert, 1998b; Gilbert & Malone, 1995)

*

*

*

  • (Gilbert, 1989, 1991, 1993; Krull, 1993)

*

*

  • (Gilbert, 1989, 1991, 1993; Krull, 1993)

*

  • (Burger, 1991; Fein, 1996; Hilton, Fein, & Miller, 1993; Webster, 1993)

*

This is the seating arrangement for two actors and the six research participants in the Taylor & Fiske study. People rated the actor they could see more clearly as having the larger role in the conversation.

*

These are the ratings of each actor’s perceived causal role in the conversation (adapted from Taylor & Fiske, 1975).

*

  • (Norenzayan, Choi, & Nisbett, 1999)

*

*

  • (Markus & Kitayama, 1991; Menon et al., 1999, p. 703)

*

  • Recent research indicates that a tendency to think dispositionally about others—the correspondence bias—appears in many cultures.
  • However, members of collectivistic cultures are more aware of how the situation affects behavior and more likely to take situational effects into account (Choi, Dalal, Kim-Prieto, & Park, 2003; Choi & Nisbett, 1998; Choi, Nisbett, & Norenzayan, 1999; Krull et al., 1999; Miyamoto & Kitayama, 2002).

*

  • (Jones & Nisbett, 1972; Hansen, Kimble, & Biers, 2001; Nisbett, Caputo, Legant, & Marecek, 1973; Robins, Spranka, & Mendelson, 1996; Watson, 1982)

*

  • (Greenwald & Banaji, 1989; Jones & Nisbett, 1972; Krueger, Ham, & Linford, 1996; Malle & Knobe, 1997)

*

  • (Greenwald & Banaji, 1989; Jones & Nisbett, 1972; Krueger, Ham, & Linford, 1996; Malle & Knobe, 1997)

*

*

  • (Duval & Silvia, 2002)

*

  • (Greenberg et al., 1982; Tetlock, 1981; Weary & Arkin, 1981)

*

  • Let’s imagine the attributional process of another student in the chemistry class, Ron, who did poorly on the midterm. Ron knows that he studied very hard for the midterm, that he typically does well on chemistry tests, and that in general he is a very good student. The D on the chemistry midterm comes as a surprise. The most logical attribution Ron can make is that the test was unfair—the D grade wasn’t due to a lack of ability or effort. The professor, however, knows that some students did well on the test; given the information that is available to the professor, it is logical for him to conclude that Ron, and not the fact that it was a difficult test, was responsible for the poor grade (Miller & Ross, 1975; Nisbett & Ross, 1980).

*

  • Lerner (1980; 1998)
  • (Hafer, 2000; Hafer & Begue, 2005; Lipkus, Dalbert, & Siegler, 1996)

*

  • Not only do people tend to believe that rape victims are to blame for the rape (Abrams, Viki, Masser, & Bohner, 2003; Bell, Kuriloff, & Lottes, 1994), but battered wives are often seen as responsible for their abusive husbands’ behavior (Summers & Feldman, 1984).

*

*

*

  • (Funder, 1995; Kenny, Albright, Malloy, & Kashy, 1994).
  • (Ambady, Bernieri, & Richeson, 2000; Archer & Akert, 1980; Costanzo & Archer, 1989)

LEARNING OBJECTIVES

WHERE TO START CHP. 2

LEARNING OBJECTIVES

· Discuss how a hypothesis differs from a prediction.

· Describe the different sources of ideas for research, including common sense, observation, theories, past research, and practical problems.

· Identify the two functions of a theory.

· Summarize the fundamentals of conducting library research in psychology, including the use of PsycINFO.

· Summarize the information included in the abstract, introduction, method, results, and discussion sections of research articles.

Page 21THE MOTIVATION TO CONDUCT SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH DERIVES FROM A NATURAL CURIOSITY ABOUT THE WORLD. Most people have their first experience with research when their curiosity leads them to ask, “I wonder what would happen if …” or “I wonder why …,” followed by an attempt to answer the question. What are the sources of inspiration for such questions? How do you find out about other people’s ideas and past research? In this chapter, we will explore some sources of scientific ideas. We will also consider the nature of research reports published in professional journals.

RESEARCH QUESTIONS, HYPOTHESES, AND PREDICTIONS

The result of curiosity is a question. Researchers use research questions to identify and describe the broad topic that they are investigating, and then conduct research in order to answer their research questions. A good research question identifies the topic of inquiry specifically enough so that hypotheses and predictions can be made. A hypothesis is also a question; it makes a statement about something that may be true. Hypotheses are more specific versions of research questions; they are directly testable whereas a research question may not be. Thus, a hypothesis is a tentative idea or question that is waiting for evidence to support or refute it. Once a hypothesis is proposed, data must be gathered and evaluated in terms of whether the evidence is consistent or inconsistent with the hypothesis. Researchers also make specific predictions concerning the outcome of research. Where a research question is broad and a hypothesis is more specific, a prediction is a guess at the outcome of a hypothesis. If a prediction is confirmed by the results of the study, the hypothesis is supported. If the prediction is not confirmed, the researcher will either reject the hypothesis or conduct further research using different methods to study the hypothesis. It is important to note that when the results of a study confirm a prediction, the hypothesis is only supported, not proven. Researchers study the same hypothesis using a variety of methods, and each time this hypothesis is supported by a research study, we become more confident that the hypothesis is correct.

Figure 2.1 shows the relationships among research questions, hypotheses, and predictions graphically. As an example, consider Cramer, Mayer, and Ryan (2007). They had general questions about college students’ use of cell phones while driving: “Are there differences among groups in terms of their use of cell phones while driving?” and “What impact do passengers have on cell phone use while driving?” With these research questions in mind, the researchers developed some hypotheses: “Do males and females differ in their use of cell phones while driving?” or “Does having a passenger in the car make a difference in cell phone use?” They also made specific predictions: “Females are more likely to use a cell phone while driving” and “passengers decrease the likelihood that cell phones are used while driving.” Then, they designed a procedure for collecting data to answer the questions.

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FIGURE 2.1

Relationships among research questions, hypotheses, and predictions

WHO WE STUDY: A NOTE ON TERMINOLOGY

We have been using the term participants to refer to the individuals who participate in research projects. An equivalent term in psychological research is subjects. The Publication Manual of the American Psychological Association (APA, 2010) allows the use of either participants or subjects when describing humans who take part in psychological research. You will see both terms when you read about research; both terms will be used in this book. Other terms that you may encounter include respondents and informants. The individuals who take part in survey research are usually called respondents. Informants are the people who help researchers understand the dynamics of particular cultural and organizational settings—this term originated in anthropological and sociological research, and is now being used by psychologists as well. In many research reports more specific descriptions of the participants will be used, for example: employees in an organization, students in a classroom, or residents of an assisted living facility.

SOURCES OF IDEAS

It is not easy to say where good ideas come from. Many people are capable of coming up with worthwhile ideas but find it difficult to verbalize the process by which they are generated. Cartoonists know this—they show a brilliant idea as a lightbulb flashing on over the person’s head. But where does the electricity come from? Let’s consider five sources of ideas: common sense, observation of the world around us, theories, past research, and practical problems.

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Common Sense

One source of ideas that can be tested is the body of knowledge called common sense—the things we all believe to be true. Do “opposites attract” or do “birds of a feather flock together?” If you “spare the rod,” do you “spoil the child?” Is a “picture worth a thousand words?” Asking questions such as these can lead to research programs studying attraction, the effects of punishment, and the role of visual images in learning and memory.

Testing a commonsense idea can be valuable because such notions do not always turn out to be correct, or research may show that the real world is much more complicated than our commonsense ideas would have it. For example, pictures can aid memory under certain circumstances, but sometimes pictures detract from learning (see Levin, 1983). Conducting research to test commonsense ideas often forces us to go beyond a commonsense theory of behavior.

Observation of the World Around Us

Observations of personal and social events can provide many ideas for research. The curiosity sparked by your observations and experiences can lead you to ask questions about all sorts of phenomena. In fact, this type of curiosity is what drives many students to engage in their first research project.

Have you ever had the experience of storing something away in a “special place” where you were sure you could find it later (and where no one else would possibly look for it), only to later discover that you could not recall where you had stored it? Such an experience could lead to systematic research on whether it is a good idea to put things in special places. In fact, Winograd and Soloway (1986) conducted a series of experiments on this very topic. Their research demonstrated that people are likely to forget where something is placed when two conditions are present: (1) The location where the object is placed is judged to be highly memorable and (2) the location is considered a very unlikely place for the object. Thus, although it may seem to be a good idea at the time, storing something in an unusual place is generally not a good idea.

A more recent example demonstrates the diversity of ideas that can be generated by curiosity about things that happen around you. During the past few years, there has been a great deal of controversy about the effects of content of music lyrics that are sexually explicit or deal with drugs and alcohol. Specifically, there are fears that exposure to such lyrics in certain types of rock and hip hop music may lead to sexual promiscuity, drug use, and other undesirable outcomes. These speculations can then spur research. Slater and Henry (2013), as an example, surveyed middle-school students about their access to music-related content in various media sources and discovered that increasing exposure to popular music was a risk factor for starting to use alcohol, tobacco, and marijuana.

Observations of the world around us may even lead to an academic career. When he was an undergraduate, psychologist Michael Lynn worked in restaurants with much of his compensation dependent on tips from customers. That Page 24experience sparked an interest in studying tipping. For many years, Lynn has studied tipping behavior in restaurants and hotels in the United States and in other countries (Tipping Expert, 2013). He has looked at factors that increase tips, such as posture, touching, and phrases written on a check, and his research has had an impact on the hotel and restaurant industry. If you have ever worked in restaurants, you have undoubtedly formed many of your own hypotheses about tipping behavior. Lynn went one step further and took a scientific approach to testing his ideas. His research illustrates that taking a scientific approach to a problem can lead to new discoveries and important applications.

Finally, we should mention the role of serendipity—sometimes the most interesting discoveries are the result of accident or sheer luck. Ivan Pavlov is best known for discovering what is called classical conditioning, wherein a neutral stimulus (such as a tone), if paired repeatedly with an unconditioned stimulus (food) that produces a reflex response (salivation), will eventually produce the response when presented alone. Pavlov did not set out to discover classical conditioning. Instead, he was studying the digestive system in dogs by measuring their salivation when given food. He accidentally discovered that the dogs were salivating prior to the actual feeding and then studied the ways that the stimuli preceding the feeding could produce a salivation response. Of course, such accidental discoveries are made only when viewing the world with an inquisitive eye.

Theories

Much research in the behavioral sciences tests theories of behavior. A theory consists of a systematic body of ideas about a particular topic or phenomenon. Psychologists have theories relating to human behavior including learning, memory, and personality, for example. These ideas form a coherent and logically consistent structure that serves two important functions.

First, theories organize and explain a variety of specific facts or descriptions of behavior. Such facts and descriptions are not very meaningful by themselves, and so theories are needed to impose a framework on them. This framework makes the world more comprehensible by providing a few abstract concepts around which we can organize and explain a variety of behaviors. As an example, consider how Charles Darwin’s theory of evolution organized and explained a variety of facts concerning the characteristics of animal species. Similarly, in psychology one classic theory of memory asserts that there are separate systems of short-term memory and long-term memory. This theory accounts for a number of specific observations about learning and memory, including such phenomena as the different types of memory deficits that result from a blow to the head versus damage to the hippocampus area of the brain and the rate at which a person forgets material he or she has just read.

Second, theories generate new knowledge by focusing our thinking so that we notice new aspects of behavior—theories guide our observations of the Page 25world. The theory generates hypotheses about behavior, and the researcher conducts studies to test the hypotheses. If the studies confirm the hypotheses, the theory is supported. As more and more evidence accumulates that is consistent with the theory, we become more confident that the theory is correct.

Sometimes people describe a theory as “just an idea” that may or may not be true. We need to separate this use of the term—which implies that a theory is essentially the same as a hypothesis—from the scientific meaning of theory. In fact, a scientific theory consists of much more than a simple “idea.” A scientific theory is grounded in actual data from prior research as well as numerous hypotheses that are consistent with the theory. These hypotheses can be tested through further research. Such testable hypotheses are falsifiable—the data can either support or refute the hypotheses. As a theory develops with more and more evidence that supports the theory, it is wrong to say that it is “just an idea.” Instead, the theory becomes well established as it enables us to explain a great many observable facts. It is true that research may reveal a weakness in a theory when a hypothesis generated by the theory is not supported. When this happens, the theory can be modified to account for the new data. Sometimes a new theory will emerge that accounts for both new data and the existing body of knowledge. This process defines the way that science continually develops with new data that expand our knowledge of the world around us.

Evolutionary theory has influenced our understanding of sexual attraction and mating patterns (Buss, 2011). For example, Buss describes a well-established finding that males experience more intense feelings of jealousy when a partner has a sexual relationship with someone else (sexual infidelity) than when the partner has developed an emotional bond only (emotional infidelity); females in contrast are more jealous when the partner has engaged in emotional infidelity than sexual infidelity. This finding is consistent with evolutionary theory, which asserts that males and females have evolved different strategies for mate selection. All individuals have an evolutionary interest in passing their genes on to future generations. However, females have relatively few opportunities to reproduce, have a limited age range during which to reproduce, and traditionally have had to assume major child caring responsibilities. Males, in contrast, can reproduce at any time and have a reproductive advantage by their ability to produce more offspring than a given female can. Because of these differences, the theory predicts that females and males will have different perspectives of infidelity. Females will be more threatened if the partner might no longer provide support and resources for childrearing by developing an emotional bond with another partner. Males are more distressed if it is possible that they will be caring for a child who does not share their genes. Although research supports evolutionary theory, alternative theories can be developed that may better explain the same findings.

Levy and Kelly (2010) suggest that attachment theory may provide a better explanation. They point out that both males and females differ in their level of attachment in relationships. Also, females in general show greater attachment than do males. From the perspective of attachment theory, the amount Page 26of attachment will be related to the distress experienced by an instance of emotional infidelity. Research by Levy and Kelly found that high attachment individuals were most upset by emotional infidelity; individuals with low attachment to the relationship were more distressed by sexual infidelity. These findings will lead to more research to test the two theoretical perspectives.

Theories are usually modified as new research defines the scope of the theory. The necessity of modifying theories is illustrated by the theory of short-term versus long-term memory mentioned previously. The original conception of the long-term memory system described long-term memory as a storehouse of permanent, fixed memories. However, now-classic research by cognitive psychologists, including Loftus (1979), has shown that memories are easily reconstructed and reinterpreted. In one study, participants watched a film of an automobile accident and later were asked to tell what they saw in the film. Loftus found that participants’ memories were influenced by the way they were questioned. For example, participants who were asked whether they saw “the” broken headlight were more likely to answer yes than were participants who were asked whether they saw “a” broken headlight. Results such as these have required a more complex theory of how long-term memory operates.

Past Research

A fourth source of ideas is past research. Becoming familiar with a body of research on a topic is perhaps the best way to generate ideas for new research. Because the results of research are published, researchers can use the body of past literature on a topic to continually refine and expand our knowledge. Virtually every study raises questions that can be addressed in subsequent research. The research may lead to an attempt to apply the findings in a different setting, to study the topic with a different age group, or to use a different methodology to replicate the results. In the Cramer et al. (2007) study on cell phone use while driving, trained observers noted cell phone use of 3,650 students leaving campus parking structures during a 3-hour period on two different days. They reported that 11% of all drivers were using cell phones. Females were more likely than males to be using a cell phone, and drivers with passengers were less likely to be talking than solitary drivers. Knowledge of this study might lead to research on ways to reduce students’ cell phone use while driving.

In addition, as you become familiar with the research literature on a topic, you may see inconsistencies in research results that need to be investigated, or you may want to study alternative explanations for the results. Also, what you know about one research area often can be successfully applied to another research area.

Let’s look at a concrete example of a study that was designed to address methodological flaws in previous research. In Chapter 1, we discussed research on a method—called facilitated communication—intended to help children who are diagnosed with autism. Childhood autism is characterized by a number of symptoms including severe impairments in language and communication Page 27ability. Parents and care providers were greatly encouraged by facilitated communication, which allowed an autistic child to communicate with others by pressing keys on a keyboard showing letters and other symbols. A facilitator held the child’s hand to facilitate the child’s ability to determine which key to press. With this technique, many autistic children began communicating their thoughts and feelings and answered questions posed to them. Most people who saw facilitated communication in action regarded the technique as a miraculous breakthrough.

The conclusion that facilitated communication was effective was based on a comparison of the autistic child’s ability to communicate with and without the facilitator. The difference is impressive to most observers. Recall, however, that scientists are by nature skeptical. They examine all evidence carefully and ask whether claims are justified. In the case of facilitated communication, Montee, Miltenberger, and Wittrock (1995) noted that the facilitator might have been unintentionally guiding the child’s fingers to type meaningful sentences. In other words, the facilitator, and not the autistic individual, might be controlling the communication. Montee et al. conducted a study to test this idea. In one condition, both the facilitator and the autistic child were shown a picture, and the child was asked to indicate what was shown in the picture by typing a response with the facilitator. This was done on a number of trials. In another condition, only the child saw the pictures. In a third condition, the child and facilitator were shown different pictures (but the facilitator was unaware of this fact). Consistent with the hypothesis that the facilitator is controlling the child’s responses, the pictures were correctly identified only in the condition in which both saw the same pictures. Moreover, when the child and facilitator viewed different pictures, the child never made the correct response, and usually the picture the facilitator had seen was the one identified.

Practical Problems

Research is also stimulated by practical problems that can have immediate applications. Groups of city planners and citizens might survey bicycle riders to determine the most desirable route for a city bike path, for example. On a larger scale, researchers have guided public policy by conducting research on obesity and eating disorders, as well as other social and health issues. Much of the applied and evaluation research described in Chapter 1 addresses issues such as these.

EXPLORING PAST RESEARCH

Before conducting any research project, an investigator must have a thorough knowledge of previous research findings. Even if the researcher formulates the basic idea, a review of past studies will help the researcher clarify the idea and Page 28design of the study. Thus, it is important to know how to search the literature on a topic and how to read research reports in professional journals. In this section, we will discuss only the fundamentals of conducting library research; for further information, you should go to your college library and talk with a librarian (large libraries may have a librarian devoted to providing assistance in psychology and other behavioral sciences). Librarians have specialized training and a lot of practical experience in conducting library research. You may also refer to a more detailed guide to library research in psychology, such as Reed and Baxter (2003), or to the numerous library guides available on the Internet. You may also find guides to help you prepare a paper that reviews research; Rosnow and Rosnow (2009) is an example.

The Nature of Journals

If you have looked through your library’s collection of periodicals, you have noticed the enormous number of professional journals. In these journals, researchers publish the results of their investigations. After a research project has been completed, the study is written as a report, which then may be submitted to the editor of an appropriate journal. The editor solicits reviews from other scientists in the same field and then decides whether the report is to be accepted for publication. (This is the process of peer review described in Chapter 1.) Because each journal has a limited amount of space and receives many more papers than it has room to publish, most papers are rejected. Those that are accepted are published about a year later, although sometimes online editions are published more quickly.

Most psychology journals specialize in one or two areas of human or animal behavior. Even so, the number of journals in many areas is so large that it is almost impossible for anyone to read them all. Table 2.1 lists some of the major journals in several areas of psychology; the table does not list any journals that are published only on the Internet, and it does not include many journals that publish in areas closely related to psychology as well as highly specialized areas within psychology. Clearly, it would be difficult to read all of the journals listed, even if you restricted your reading to a single research area in psychology such as learning and memory. If you were seeking research on a single specific topic, it would be impractical to look at every issue of every journal in which relevant research might be published. Fortunately, you do not have to.

Online Scholarly Research Databases:  PsycINFO

The American Psychological Association began the monthly publication of Psychological Abstracts, or Psych Abstracts, in 1927. The abstracts are brief summaries of articles in psychology and related disciplines indexed by topic area. Today, the abstracts are maintained in a computer database called  PsycINFO , which is accessed via the Internet and is updated weekly. The exact procedures you will use to search PsycINFO will depend on how your library has arranged to obtain access to the database. In all cases, you will obtain a list of abstracts that are related to your particular topic of interest. You can then find and read the articles in your library or, in many cases, link to full text that your library subscribes to. If an important article is not available in your library, ask a librarian about services to obtain articles from other libraries.

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TABLE 2.1 Some major journals in psychology

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Conducting a  PsycINFO  Search

The exact look and feel of the system you will use to search PsycINFO will depend on your library website. Your most important task is to specify the search terms that you want the database to use. These are typed into a search box. How do you know what words to type in the search box? Most commonly, you will want to use standard psychological terms. The “Thesaurus of Psychological Index Terms” lists all the standard terms that are used to index the abstracts, and it can be accessed directly with most PsycINFO systems. Suppose you are interested in the topic of distraction while driving. It turns out that distraction and driving behavior are both terms in the thesaurus. While using the thesaurus, you can check any term and then request a search of that term. Of course, you can search using any term or phrase that is relevant to your topic. When you give the command to start the search, the results of the search will be displayed.

Below is the output of one of the articles found with a search on distraction and driving behavior. The exact appearance of the output that you receive will depend on the your library’s search system. The default output includes citation information that you will need along with the abstract itself. Notice that the output is organized into “fields” of information. The full name of each field is included here; many systems allow abbreviations. You will almost always want to see the titleauthorsource/publication title, and abstract. Note that you also have fields such as publication type, keywords to briefly describe the article, and age group. When you do the search, some fields will appear as hyperlinks to lead you to other information in your library database or to other websites. Systems are continually being upgraded to enable users to more easily obtain full-text access to the articles and find other articles on similar topics. The digital object identifier (DOI) is particularly helpful in finding full-text sources of the article and is now provided with other publication information when journal articles are referenced.

The reference for the article is:

Weller, J. A., Shackleford, C., Dieckmann, N., & Slovic, P. (2013). Possession attachment predicts cell phone use while driving. Health Psychology, 32(4), 379–387. doi:10.1037/a0029265

Page 32PsycINFO output appears as follows:

Title: Possession attachment predicts cell phone use while driving.
Authors: Weller, Joshua A., Decision Research, Eugene, OR, US, jweller@decisionresearch.org

Shackleford, Crystal, Department of Psychology, University of Oregon, Eugene, OR, US

Dieckmann, Nathan, Decision Research, Eugene, OR, US

Slovic, Paul, Decision Research, Eugene, OR, US

Address: Weller, Joshua A., Decision Research 1201 Oak Street, Suite 200, Eugene, OR, US, 97401, jweller@decisionresearch.org
Source: Health Psychology, Vol 32(4), Apr, 2013. pp. 379–387.
Page Count: 9
Publisher: US: American Psychological Association
Other Publishers: US: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates
ISSN: 1930-7810 (Electronic)

0278-6133 (Print)

Language: English
Keywords: cell phone use while driving, distracted driving, individual differences, possession attachment, risk perception
Abstract: Objective: Distracted driving has become an important public health concern. However, little is known about the predictors of this health-risking behavior. One overlooked risk factor for distracted driving is the perceived attachment that one feels toward his or her phone. Prior research has suggested that individuals develop bonds toward objects, and qualitative research suggests that the bond between young drivers and their phones can be strong. It follows that individuals who perceive a strong attachment to their phone would be more likely to use it, even when driving. Method: In a nationally representative sample of young drivers (17–28 years), participants (n = 1,006) completed a survey about driving behaviors and phone use. Risk perception surrounding cell phone use while driving and perceived attachment to one’s phone were assessed by administering factor-analytically derived scales that were created as part of a larger project. Results: Attachment toward one’s phone predicted the proportion of trips in which a participant reported using their cell phone while driving, beyond that accounted for by risk perception and overall phone use. Further, attachment predicted self-reported distracted driving behaviors, such as the Page 33use of social media while driving. Conclusions: Attachment to one’s phone may be an important but overlooked risk factor for the engagement of potentially health-risking driving behaviors. Understanding that phone attachment may adversely affect driving behaviors has the potential to inform prevention and intervention efforts designed to reduce distracted driving behaviors, especially in young drivers. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2013 APA, all rights reserved)
Subjects: *Attachment Behavior; *Distraction; *Driving Behavior; *Risk Perception; *Cellular Phones; Individual Differences; Public Health; Risk Factors; Transportation Safety
Classification: Transportation (4090)
Population: Human (10)

Male (30)

Female (40)

Location: US
Age Group: Adolescence (13-17 yrs) (200)

Adulthood (18 yrs & older) (300)

Young Adulthood (18-29 yrs) (320)

Tests & Measures: CPUWD Risk-Perception Scale [Appended]
Grant Sponsorship: Sponsor: American Automobile Association Foundation for Traffic Safety

Grant: AAAFTS 51028

Methodology: Empirical Study; Quantitative Study
Format Covered: Electronic
Publication Type: Journal; Peer Reviewed Journal
Document Type: Journal Article
Publication History: First Posted Date: Aug 27, 2012; Accepted Date: Feb 3, 2012;

Revised Date: Feb 2, 2012; First Submitted Date: Apr 29, 2011

Release Date: 20120827
Correction Date: 20130401
Copyright: American Psychological Association. 2012.
Digital Object Identifier: 10.1037/a0029265
Accession Number: 2012-23147-001
Number of Citations 48
in Source:  
Database: PsycINFO

Page 34When you do a simple search with a single word or a phrase such as distraction, the default search yields articles that have that word or phrase anywhere in any of the fields listed. Often you will find that this produces too many articles, including articles that are not directly relevant to your interests. One way to narrow the search is to limit it to certain fields. Your PsycINFO search screen will allow you to limit the search to one field, such as the title of the article. You can also learn how to type a search that includes the field you want. For example, you could specify distraction in TITLE to limit your search to articles that have the term in the title of the article. Your search screen will also allow you to set limits on your search to specify, for instance, that the search should find only journal articles (not books or dissertations) or include participants from certain age groups.

Most PsycINFO systems have advanced search screens that enable you to use the Boolean operators AND, OR, and NOT. These can be typed as discussed below, but the advanced search screen uses prompts to help you design the search. Suppose you want to restrict the distraction in TITLE search to studies that also examined cell phones. You can do this by asking for (distraction in TITLE) AND (cell phone). The AND forces both conditions to be true for an article to be included. The parentheses are used to separate different parts of your search specification and are useful when your searches become increasingly complicated.

The OR operation is used to expand a search that is too narrow. Suppose you want to find articles that discuss romantic relationships on the Internet. A PsycINFO search for Internet AND romance in any field produces 59 articles; changing the specification to Internet AND (romance OR dating OR love) yields 330 articles. Articles that have the term Internet and any of the other three terms specified were included in the second search.

The NOT operation will exclude sources based on a criterion you specify. The NOT operation is used when you anticipate that the search criteria will be met by some irrelevant abstracts. In the Internet example, it is possible that the search will include articles on child predators. To exclude the term child from the results of the search, the following adjustment can be made: Internet AND (romance OR dating OR love) NOT child. When this search was conducted, 303 abstracts were found instead of the 330 obtained previously.

Another helpful search tool is the “wildcard” asterisk (*). The asterisk stands for any set of letters in a word and so it can expand your search. Consider the word romance in the search above—by using roman*, the search will expand to include both romance and romantic. The wildcard can be very useful with the term child* to find child, children, childhood,and so on. You have to be careful when doing this, however; the roman* search would also find Romania and romanticism. In this case, it might be more efficient to simply add OR romantic to the search. These and other search strategies are summarized in Figure 2.2.

It is a good idea to give careful thought to your search terms. Consider the case of a student who decided to do a paper on the topic of road rage. She wanted to know what might cause drivers to become so angry at other drivers that they become physically aggressive. A search on the term road rage led to a number of interesting articles. However, when looking at the output from the search, she noticed that the major keywords included driving behavior and anger but not road rage. When she asked about this, we realized that she had only found articles that included the term road rage in the title or abstract. This term has become popular, but it may not be used in many academic studies of the topic. She then expanded the search to include driving AND anger. The new search yielded many articles not found in the original search.

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FIGURE 2.2

Some strategies for searching research databases

Page 36As you review the results of your search, you can print, save, or send information to your email address. Other options such as printing a citation in APA style may also be available.

Science Citation Index and Social Sciences Citation Index

Two related search resources are the  Science Citation Index  (SCI) and the  Social Sciences Citation Index  (SSCI). These are usually accessed together using the  Web of Science computer database. Both allow you to search through citation information such as the name of the author or article title. The SCI includes disciplines such as biology, chemistry, biomedicine, and pharmacology, whereas the SSCI includes social and behavioral sciences such as sociology and criminal justice. The most important feature of both resources is the ability to use the “key article” method. Here you need to first identify a key article on your topic that is particularly relevant to your interests. Choose an article that was published sufficiently long ago to allow time for subsequent related research to be conducted and reported. You can then search for the subsequent articles that cited the key article. This search will give you a bibliography of articles relevant to your topic. To provide an example of this process, we chose the following article:

Fleming, M., & Rickwood, D. (2001). Effects of violent versus nonviolent video games on children’s arousal, aggressive mood, and positive mood. Journal of Applied Social Psychology31(10), 2047–2071. doi:10.1111/j.1559-1816.2001.tb00163.x

When we did an article search using the SSCI, we found 17 articles that had cited the Fleming and Rickwood paper since it was published in 2001. Here is one of them:

Lim, S., & Reeves, B. (2009). Being in the game: Effects of avatar choice and point of view on psychophysiological responses during play. Media Psychology, 12(4), 348–370. doi:10.1080/15213260903287242

This article as well as the others on the list might then be retrieved. It may then turn out that one or more of the articles might become new key articles for further searches. It is also possible to specify a “key person” in order to find all articles written by or citing a particular person after a given date.

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Other Electronic Search Resources

The American Psychological Association maintains several databases in addition to PsycINFO. These include PsycARTICLES, consisting of full-text scholarly articles, and PsycBOOKS, a database of full-text books and book chapters. Other major databases include Sociological AbstractsPubMed, and ERIC (Educational Resources Information Center).In addition, services such as LexisNexis Academic and Factiva allow you to search general media resources such as newspapers. A reference librarian can help you use these and other resources available to you.

Internet Searches

The most widely available information resource is the wealth of material that is available on the Internet and located using search services such as Google. The Internet is a wonderful source of information; any given search may help you find websites devoted to your topic, articles that people have made available to others, book reviews, and even online discussions. Although it is incredibly easy to search (just type something in a dialog box and press the Enter key), you can improve the quality of your searches by learning (1) the differences in the way each service finds and stores information; (2) advanced search rules, including how to make searches more narrow and how to find exact phrases; and (3) ways to critically evaluate the quality of the information that you find. You also need to make sure that you carefully record the search service and search terms you used, the dates of your search, and the exact location of any websites that you will be using in your research; this information will be useful as you provide documentation in the papers that you prepare.

Google Scholar Google Scholar is a specialized scholarly search engine that can be accessed at http://scholar.google.com. When you do a search using Google Scholar, you find articles, theses, books, abstracts, and court opinions from a wide range of sources, including academic publishers, professional societies, online repositories, universities, and other websites. Just like Google ranks the output of a standard search, Google Scholar ranks the output of a Google Scholar search. In the case of Google Scholar, search output is ranked by the contents of the article (i.e., did the article contain the keywords that were used in the search?) along with an article’s overall prominence based on author, journal, and how often it is cited in other articles.

Google Scholar operates like any other Google search. Access Google Scholar at http://scholar.google.com and type in a keyword as you would in a basic PsycINFO search. The key difference is that whereas the universe of content for PsycINFO comes from the published works in the psychology and related sciences, the universe for Google Scholar includes the entire Internet. This can be both a strength and a weakness. If your topic is Page 38broad—for example, if you were interested in doing a search for depression or ADHD or color perception—Google Scholar would generate many more hits than would PsycINFO. Indeed, many of those hits would not be from the scientific literature. On the other hand, if you have a narrow search (e.g., adult ADHD treatmentcolor perception and reading speed), then Google Scholar would generate a set of results more closely aligned with your intentions.

Evaluating Web information Your own library and a variety of websites have information on evaluating the quality of information found on the Internet. Some of the most important things to look for are listed here:

· Is the site associated with a major educational institution or research organization? A site sponsored by a single individual or an organization with a clear bias should be viewed with skepticism.

· Is information provided on the people who are responsible for the site? Can you check on the credentials of these individuals?

· Is the information current?

· Do links from the site lead to legitimate organizations?

LITERATURE REVIEWS

Finally, literature reviews are another good way to explore past research. Articles that summarize the research in a particular area are also useful; these are known as literature reviews. The journal Psychological Bulletin publishes reviews of the literature in various topic areas in psychology. Each year, the Annual Review of Psychology publishes articles that summarize recent developments in various areas of psychology. Other disciplines have similar annual reviews.

The following article is an example of a literature review:

Gatchel, R. J., Peng, Y. B., Peters, M. L., Fuchs, P. N., & Turk, D. C. (2007). The biopsychosocial approach to chronic pain: Scientific advances and future directions. Psychological Bulletin, 133, 581–624. doi:10.1037/0033-2909.133.4.581

The authors of this article reviewed the past literature relating the biopsychosocial approach to understanding chronic pain. They described a very large number of studies on the biological aspects of pain along with research on psychological and social influences. They also point to new methods and directions for the field.

When conducting a search, you might want to focus on finding review articles. Adding review as a search term in the title of the article will generate review articles in your results.

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ANATOMY OF A RESEARCH ARTICLE

Your literature search has helped you find research articles to read. What can you expect to find in these articles? Research articles usually have five sections: (1) an abstract, such as the ones found in PsycINFO; (2) an Introduction that explains the problem under investigation and the specific hypotheses being tested; (3) a Method section that describes in detail the exact procedures used in the study; (4) a Results section in which the findings are presented; and (5) a Discussion section in which the researcher may speculate on the broader implications of the results, propose alternative explanations for the results, discuss reasons that a particular hypothesis may not have been supported by the data, and/or make suggestions for further research on the problem. In addition to the five major sections, you will find a list of all the references that were cited. Review the summary of the sections in Figure 2.3 as you read about each section in greater detail.

Abstract

The abstract is a summary of the research report and typically runs no more than 120 words in length. It includes information about the hypothesis, the procedure, and the broad pattern of results. Generally, little information is abstracted from the Discussion section of the paper.

FIGURE 2.3

Major sections of a research article

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Introduction

In the Introduction section, the researcher outlines the problem that has been investigated. Past research and theories relevant to the problem are described in detail. The specific expectations of the researcher are noted, often as formal hypotheses. In other words, the investigator introduces the research in a logical format that shows how past research and theory are connected to the current research problem and the expected results.

Method

The Method section is divided into subsections, with the number of subsections determined by the author and dependent on the complexity of the research design. Sometimes, the first subsection presents an overview of the design to prepare the reader for the material that follows. The next subsection describes the characteristics of the participants. Were they male or female, or were both sexes used? What was the average age? How many participants were included? If the study used human participants, some mention of how participants were recruited for the study would be needed. The next subsection details the procedure used in the study. In describing any stimulus materials presented to the participants, the way the behavior of the participants was recorded, and so on, it is important that no potentially crucial detail be omitted. Such detail allows the reader to know exactly how the study was conducted, and it provides other researchers with the information necessary to replicate the study. Other subsections may be necessary to describe in detail any equipment or testing materials that were used.

Results

In the Results section, the researcher presents the findings, usually in three ways. First, there is a description in narrative form—for example, “The location of items was most likely to be forgotten when the location was both highly memorable and an unusual place for the item to be stored.” Second, the results are described in statistical language. Third, the material is often depicted in tables and graphs.

The statistical terminology of the Results section may appear formidable. However, lack of knowledge about the calculations is not really a deterrent to understanding the article or the logic behind the statistics. Statistics are only a tool the researcher uses in evaluating the outcomes of the study.

Discussion

In the Discussion section, the researcher reviews the research from various perspectives. Do the results support the hypothesis? If they do, the author should give all possible explanations for the results and discuss why one Page 41explanation is superior to another. If the hypothesis has not been supported, the author should suggest potential reasons. What might have been wrong with the methodology, the hypothesis, or both? The researcher may also discuss how the results compare with past research results on the topic. This section may also include suggestions for possible practical applications of the research and for future research on the topic.

You should familiarize yourself with some actual research articles. Appendix A includes an entire article in manuscript form. An easy way to find more articles in areas that interest you is to visit the website of the American Psychological Association (APA) at www.apa.org. All the APA journals listed in Table 2.1 have links that you can find by going to www.apa.org/journals. When you select a journal that interests you, you will go to a page that allows you to read recent articles published in the journal. Read articles to become familiar with the way information is presented in reports. As you read, you will develop ways of efficiently processing the information in the articles. It is usually best to read the abstract first, then skim the article to decide whether you can use the information provided. If you can, go back and read the article carefully. Note the hypotheses and theories presented in the introduction, write down anything that seems unclear or problematic in the method, and read the results in view of the material in the introduction. Be critical when you read the article; students often generate the best criticism. Most important, as you read more research on a topic, you will become more familiar with the variables being studied, the methods used to study the variables, the important theoretical issues being considered, and the problems that need to be addressed by future research. In short, you will find yourself generating your own research ideas and planning your own studies.

Study Terms

Abstract (p. 39)

Discussion section (p. 40)

Hypothesis (p. 21)

Introduction section (p. 40)

Literature review (p. 38)

Method section (p. 40)

Prediction (p. 21)

PsycINFO (p. 31)

Research questions (p. 21)

Results section (p. 40)

Science Citation Index (SCI) (p. 36)

Social Sciences Citation Index (SSCI) (p. 36)

Theory (p. 24)

Web of Science (p. 36)

Review Questions

1. What is a hypothesis? What is the distinction between a hypothesis and a prediction?

2. What are the two functions of a theory?Page 42

3. Describe the difference in the way that past research is found when you use PsycINFO versus the “key article” method of the Science Citation Index/Social Sciences Citation Index (Web of Science).

4. What information does the researcher communicate in each of the sections of a research article?

Activities

1. Think of at least five “commonsense” sayings about behavior (e.g., “Spare the rod, spoil the child”; “Like father, like son”; “Absence makes the heart grow fonder”). For each, develop a hypothesis that is suggested by the saying and a prediction that follows from the hypothesis. (Based on Gardner, 1988.)

2. Choose one of the hypotheses formulated in Activity 1 and develop a strategy for finding research on the topic using the computer database in your library.

3. Theories serve two purposes: (1) to organize and explain observable events and (2) to generate new knowledge by guiding our way of looking at these events. Identify a consistent behavior pattern in yourself or somebody close to you (e.g., you consistently get into an argument with your sister on Friday nights). Generate two possible theories (explanations) for this occurrence (e.g., because you work long hours on Friday, you are usually stressed and exhausted when you get home; because your sister has a chemistry quiz every Friday afternoon and she’s not doing well in the course, she is very irritable on Fridays). How would you gather evidence to determine which explanation might be correct? How might each explanation lead to different approaches to changing the behavior pattern, either to decrease or increase its occurrence?